Monday, March 29, 2004

C'mon, "Austin City Limits": Lighten Up!

The Kinkster is an accomplished author (57 books, several best-selling mystery novels) and putative gubernatorial candidate. However, between a stint in the Peace Corps and his first book in 1986, the Kinkster was part of the Austin music scene (Waylon, Willie, and the Boys) in the 1970s. His appearance on "Austin City Limits" in 1976 has never aired on PBS. Why the hell not? How hard could it be? The Kinkster's election slogans work in this miscarriage of musical justice. I am sorry I never saw Buffy Sainte-Marie chasing the Kinkster around that stage in San Francisco. If this is (fair & balanced) music appreciation, so be it.



[x Texas Monthly]
No Show
Only one performance in the thirty-year history of Austin City Limits was taped but never aired. Guess whose?
by Richard (Kinky) Friedman

For almost thirty years Austin City Limits and I have interacted much in the same manner of Joseph Heller's fabled covenant with God: We've left each other alone. There's a reason for this. In all its storied, glorified history as the longest-running music show on television, ACL has taped only one performance that it has steadfastly refused to air: mine. I'm not bitter about this (though I am bitter about almost everything else). Indeed, I take a somewhat perverse pride in the fact that, way back in 1976, Kinky Friedman and the Texas Jewboys were considered too risky, too controversial, and very possibly, too downright repellent for public television. For years my performance could be seen only at the Jim Morrison Museum, in Waco, but now that Janet Jackson has bared herself to the world, it's time for me to make a clean breast of things as well.

For a while after the show didn't air, I was in a mild snit. In fact, I contemplated committing suicide by jumping through a ceiling fan. Fortunately, I'm of average height, so the ceiling fan would have merely provided me with a mullet, which definitely wasn't in at the time. If I'd been as tall as Ray Benson, of Asleep at the Wheel, the world's tallest living Jew, I might have actually croaked myself. Ray, it should be noted, is not a suicide risk, having been on ACL about 117 times. Over the years, in fact, just about everybody in the musical universe has been on the show, with the possible exception of the great Buddy Rich. When Buddy was at last preparing to spring from his mortal coil, a nurse in his hospital room asked him if there was anything that was making him uncomfortable. "Yes," he told her. "Country music." That was probably why they didn't have Buddy on the show.

There have been other great artists whom the powers that be have deemed not ready for prime time. Years before ACL gave the Kinkster the old heave-ho, George D. Hay threw Elvis Presley off the Grand Ole Opry and told him to go back to driving a truck. Elvis is said to have cried on that occasion. He left Nashville, but he didn't remain a trucker for long. Some years later, when he was an international superstar, he happened to be at a party in Music City, when a record company flack introduced him to George Hay. Matter-of-factly, without malice, Elvis shook hands with him and said, "I know you. You're the man who made me cry."

Watching a bootleg video of my non-show recently was almost enough to make me cry. It was a bit like a funeral or a high school reunion, events that register faithfully the rapid and ruthless passage of time. There I was in the spotlight, wearing an Indian headdress, big blue aviator glasses, a furry blue guitar strap, and a sequined pair of bell-bottom trousers—and this was almost thirty years before Queer Eye for the Straight Guy. The headdress had gotten me into trouble before, during a show in that most-liberated of all places, San Francisco, when Buffy Sainte-Marie chased me around the stage attempting to snatch the offending warbonnet off my head. She did not succeed, but the two of us hopped around in an angry circle for about five minutes to the delight of the crowd.

As I watched the ancient concert, I didn't get that dated, insects-trapped-in-amber feeling I often have when watching Leave It to Beaver reruns. If the clothing and some of the hairstyles were clearly from another time warp, the social satire seemed to be more applicable to 2004 than to 1976. What the hell; every great artist should always be ahead of his time and behind on his rent. As Bob Dylan has said, art should not reflect a culture; it should subvert it.

There certainly seemed to be plenty of that going on in the video. There was, for instance, our song about the Statue of Liberty, "Carryin' the Torch," in which our drummer, Major Boles, played the last chorus using American flags for drumsticks. And who could forget "They Ain't Makin' Jews Like Jesus Anymore," which contained a line that even Mel Gibson could get behind: "We Jews believe it was Santa Claus who killed Jesus Christ." There was also a spirited version of "Proud to Be an A—hole From El Paso," which stated emphatically: "God and Lone Star beer are things we trust" and "The wetbacks still get twenty cents an hour." And there was the ballad "Rapid City, South Dakota," which was recorded by Dwight Yoakam 25 years later—the first country song to touch on the subject of abortion.

I don't like to put myself up on a pedestal, but the concert was pretty damn good. I wish you could've seen it. On the other hand, all of life is perception. George Bernard Shaw was such a genius that he could review a play without even seeing it. As Sherlock Holmes once said, "What you do in this world is a matter of no consequence. The question is, What can you make people believe that you have done?"

In any case, when the producers of ACL, in their infinite wisdom, decided not to air the show, the legend only grew. Had they gone ahead and run it, I'd undoubtedly be playing a beer joint tonight on the backside of Buttocks, Texas. I'd never have had the chance to become a best-selling novelist, a friend of presidents, and a candidate for governor. The truth is I wouldn't even be writing this column, which would be a real shame, since it's the only job I've ever had in my life. So God bless Austin City Limits.

Today I have many fans, not all of whom are attached to the ceiling. They listen to the songs that made me infamous and read the books that made me respectable. To some, I'm a Renaissance Texan. To others, I'm just another a—hole from El Paso wearing a cowboy hat and smoking a cigar. Take, for instance, the manager of a Barnes and Noble in New York. When the publicist for my latest novel, The Prisoner of Vandam Street, told him that I'd be there in person to give a reading, the manager was impressed. "Oh, great!" he said. "Is Kinky going to be wearing his costume?"

Copyright © 2004 Texas Monthly Magazine




THE Question Of The Day

Not only WHY are we in Iraq, but—more importantly—how do we get OUT? William Raspberry gets to the heart of the matter. If this is (fair & balanced) Vietnam-syndrome, so be it.



[x Washington Post]
The Question We Should Be Asking
By William Raspberry

I suppose I should be more interested in what is (or was last week) the question of the day: Did our government have reason to know that something like Sept. 11 would happen and, if so, who failed to take appropriate preventive action?

But I can't get past the previous question: Why are we in Iraq?

The reason I can't get worked up about the question that dominated last week's hearings before the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States is pragmatic. Suppose we had been pretty sure that the al Qaeda network had something in mind, but we weren't sure what. What would have been an appropriate response? To heighten security at the World Trade Center, which, after all, had been targeted in a terrorist attack in 1993? To step up security at all very tall buildings in America? To intensify security everywhere?

Even supposing our intelligence suggested something involving airplanes, what might we have done? If we knew flight numbers, we could cancel those flights (or run every passenger through a particularly thorough screening). But without that specific knowledge, should we have shut down certain airports? All airports? For how long?

The flap over who ignored the terror warnings leaves me feeling as I do when the Homeland Security Department ups the threat level from yellow to orange. Just what am I supposed to do?

And so I return to the question I've been worrying over for more than a year: the war in Iraq. I wish they'd form a commission to answer my questions. Was a naive President Bush duped into war by those in his administration who had a deeper purpose? Or was Bush himself calling the shots while members of his administration scrambled to provide the necessary pretext?

I had tended toward the Bush-as-puppet theory, primarily because of the president's preelection incuriosity about the rest of the world, and because certain members of his administration were on record as having a keen interest in rearranging the Middle East.

But now a second former member of the Bush administration is painting a picture of a president for whom Sept. 11 was merely a convenient pretext for making war on Saddam Hussein.

Richard A. Clarke, who was Bush's counterterrorism coordinator, recalls in his newly published memoir that Bush pulled him aside the day after the attacks and told him, "Go back over everything, everything; see if Saddam did this."

Reminded that all available intelligence showed al Qaeda to be behind the attacks, Clarke writes, the president said: "I know, I know, but . . . see if Saddam was involved. Just look. I want to know any shred."

Then as the still-resisting Clarke left the room, he says, the president said -- "testily" -- a third time: "Look into Iraq, Saddam."

This account comes after former Treasury secretary Paul O'Neill's assertion (in Ron Suskind's book) that the president was planning from the very first days of his administration to get rid of Hussein.

Did key White House advisers conspire to get the president fixated on Hussein, or was the fixation the president's own?

And even as I ask the question, I have to acknowledge that the answer doesn't really matter -- for two reasons.

First, I don't imagine that President Bush, no matter how misguided I believe him to be, would have acted as he did in Iraq if he hadn't truly believed it to be in America's interest. Second, just as the question of who knew and failed to act before Sept. 11 has become largely irrelevant, so has the question of how we wound up in Iraq.

The fact is, we're there -- and no one I know would suggest that we simply turn and leave the Iraqis to the chaos we've largely created.

The real question (though I'd love to see it preceded by an honest confession or two) is: How the devil do we get out?

Is there a commission for that?

© 2004 The Washington Post Company





Sunday, March 28, 2004

Channel Surfing During March Madness

Switching back and forth between the KU-Georgia Tech game (won by G-Tech), I found myself mesmerized by a Michael Moore documentary shot during his national book tour for Downsize This! Random Threats From An Unarmed American. Moore has written books and produced/starred in several documentaries. I saw "Bowling For Columbine" and "Roger and Me" before that. I had never seen "The Big One." It is the best Michael Moore effort since his "TV Nation" series for NBC during the summer of 1994; "TV Nation's" best moment: sending a mariachi band to the Ku Klux Klan gathering in central Tennessee that summer. The Klansmen/women were stunned. Watch "The Big One." You won't be bored. If this is (fair & balanced) flackery, so be it.



[x Netflix]
The Big One
by Michael Moore

Another subversive journey from documentarian/provocateur Michael Moore poses this question: At a time when corporations are posting record profits, why are so many Americans still in danger of losing their jobs? Searching America's heartland, armed only with a camera, tons of sarcasm and a heartfelt sympathy for the American worker, Moore embarks on a one-man campaign to persuade Fortune 500 companies to reconsider their downsizing decisions.
Starring: Michael Moore, Rick Nielsen ...
Director: Michael Moore
Category: Documentary
Format: Full Screen ...
Language: English

Parents strongly cautioned. Some material may be inappropriate for children under the age of 13.

The Ultimate Wonk


[x American Heritage Dictionary]
wonk

NOUN: Slang 1. A student who studies excessively; a grind.
2. One who studies an issue or a topic thoroughly or excessively: “leading a talkathon of policy wonks in a methodical effort to build consensus for his programs” (Michael Kranish, Boston Globe December 16, 1992).
ETYMOLOGY: Origin unknown.

Au contraire. An Ivy League chum (Princeton '63) assured me that wonk is a reverse of know and was the student slang expression for a grind. My chum ought to know. He graduated with honors. Richard A. Clarke is the Wonk That Roared. He knows whereof he speaks. Contrast that with mumbling and bumbling. Condi Rice can go on 60 Minutes, but she won't testify publicly under oath before the 9/11 Commission? Condi is not in Clarke's league as a wonk. If this is (fair & balanced) admiration of a command of the facts, so be it.



[x U. S. Department of State Web site - National Security Council]
Special Advisor to the President for Cyberspace Security
RICHARD A. CLARKE

National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice and Director of Homeland Security Governor Ridge announced October 9, 2001 the appointment of Richard A. Clarke as Special Advisor to the President for Cyberspace Security, effective immediately.

Mr. Clarke has served in several senior national security posts. Most recently he served as National Coordinator for Security, Infrastructure Protection, and Counter-terrorism on the National Security Council. As National Coordinator, he led the U.S. government's efforts on counter-terrorism, cyber security, continuity of government operations, domestic preparedness for weapons of mass destruction, and international organized crime.

In the George H.W. Bush Administration, he was the Assistant Secretary of State for Politico-Military Affairs. In that capacity, he coordinated State Department support of Desert Storm and lead efforts to create post-war security architecture. In 1992, General Scowcroft appointed Mr. Clarke to the National Security Council staff. He continued as a member of the NSC staff throughout the Clinton Administration. In the Reagan Administration, Mr. Clarke was the Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Intelligence.

Richard Clarke is a career member of the Senior Executive Service, having begun his federal service in 1973 in the Office of the Secretary of Defense.

Mr. Clarke is a graduate of the Boston Latin School, the University of Pennsylvania (BA 1972), and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MS 1978).

Copyright © 2004 U. S. Department of State



Why Should We Send Some Clown To Mars?

Tom Lehrer is/was tough. He remains opposed to the manned space program. He refuses to participate in the mythologizing of the manned space program. He wrote "Wernher von Braun" for his brilliant "That Was The Year That Was" collection in 1965. The clown reference was directed at—I think—Alan Shepherd's wacko golf shot during a lunar mission.

Click on the link for the tune for"Wernher von Braun"
Wernher von Braun
by Tom Lehrer

[INTRO] And what is it that put America in the forefront of the nuclear nations? And what is it that will make it possible to spend 20 billion dollars of your money to put some clown on the moon? Well, it was good old American know-how, that's what. As provided by good old Americans like Dr. Wernher von Braun.

Gather round while I sing you of Wernher von Braun,
A man whose allegiance
Is ruled by expedience.
Call him a Nazi, he won't even frown.
"Ha, Nazi Schmazi," says Wernher von Braun.

Don't say that he's hypocritical,
Say rather that he's apolitical.

"Once the rockets are up, who cares where they come down?
That's not my department," says Wernher von Braun.

Some have harsh words for this man of renown,
But some think our attitude
Should be one of gratitude,
Like the widows and cripples in old London town
Who owe their large pensions to Wernher von Braun.

You too may be a big hero,
Once you've learned to count backwards to zero.
"In German oder English I know how to count down,
Und I'm learning Chinese," says Wernher von Braun.


Tom Lehrer was ahead of his time (in so many ways) and the debate over a manned mission to Mars and the destruction of the Hubble Telescope (due to NASA budget constraints) rages in our time. If this is (fair & balanced) sensibility & realism, so be it.




[x NYReview of Books]
The Wrong Stuff
By Steven Weinberg

1.

Ever since NASA was founded, the greater part of its resources have gone into putting men and women into space. On January 14 of this year, President Bush announced a "New Vision for Space Exploration" that would further intensify NASA's concentration on manned space flight. The International Space Station, which has been under construction since 1998, would be completed by 2010; it would be kept in service until around 2016, with American activities on the station from now on focused on studies of the long-term effects of space travel on astronauts. The manned spacecraft called the space shuttle would continue flying until 2010, and be used chiefly to service the space station. The shuttle would then be replaced by a new manned spacecraft, to be developed and tested by 2008. Between 2015 and 2020 the new spacecraft would be used to send astronauts back to the moon, where they would live and work for increasing periods. We would then be ready for the next step—a human mission to Mars.

This would be expensive. The President gave no cost estimates, but John McCain, chairman of the Senate Commerce, Science, and Transportation Committee, has cited reports that the new initiative would cost between $170 billion and $600 billion. According to NASA briefing documents, the figure of $170 billion is intended to take NASA only up to 2020, and does not include the cost of the Mars mission itself. After the former President Bush announced a similar initiative in 1989, NASA estimated that the cost of sending astronauts to the moon and Mars would be either $471 billion or $541 billion in 1991 dollars, depending on the method of calculation. This is roughly $900 billion in today's dollars. Whatever cost may be estimated by NASA for the new initiative, we can expect cost overruns like those that have often accompanied big NASA programs. (In 1984 NASA estimated that it would cost $8 billion to put the International Space Station in place, not counting the cost of using it. I have seen figures for its cost so far ranging from $25 billion to $60 billion, and the station is far from finished.) Let's not haggle over a hundred billion dollars more or less—I'll estimate that the President's new initiative will cost nearly a trillion dollars.

Compare this with the $820 million cost of recently sending the robots Spirit and Opportunity to Mars, roughly one thousandth the cost of the President's initiative. The inclusion of people inevitably makes any space mission vastly more expensive. People need air and water and food. They have to be protected against cosmic rays, from which we on the ground are shielded by the Earth's atmosphere. On a voyage to Mars astronauts would be beyond the protective reach of the Earth's magnetic field, so they would also have to be shielded from the charged particles that are sent out by the sun during solar flares. Unlike robots, astronauts will want to return to Earth. Above all, the tragic loss of astronauts cannot be shrugged off like the loss of robots, so any casualties in the use of the new spacecraft would cause costly delays and alterations in the program, as happened after the disastrous accidents to the Challenger shuttle in 1986 and to the Columbia shuttle in February 2003.

The President's new initiative thus makes it necessary once more to take up a question that has been with us since the first space ventures: What is the value of sending human beings into space? There is a serious conflict here. Astronomers and other scientists are generally skeptical of the value of manned space flight, and often resent the way it interferes with scientific research. NASA administrators, astronauts, aerospace contractors, and politicians typically find manned space flight just wonderful. NASA's Office of Space Science has explained that "the fundamental goal of the President's Vision is to advance US scientific, security, and economic interests through a robust space exploration program." So let's look at how manned space flight advances these interests.

2.

Many Americans remember the fears for US national security that were widely felt when the Soviets launched the unmanned Sputnik satellite in October 1957. These fears were raised to new heights in 1961, when the Soviet cosmonauts Yuri Gagarin and then Gherman Titov went into space. Titov's spacecraft made seventeen orbits around the Earth, three of them passing for the first time over the United States. The American reaction is described by Tom Wolfe in The Right Stuff:

Once again, all over the country, politicians and the press seemed profoundly alarmed, and the awful vision was presented; suppose the cosmonaut were armed with hydrogen bombs and flung them as he came over, like Thor flinging thunderbolts.... Toledo disappears off the face of the earth ...Kansas City...Lubbock....
As it turned out, the ability to send rockets into space did have tremendous military importance. Ballistic missiles that travel above the Earth's atmosphere all but replaced bombers as the vehicle of choice for carrying Soviet or American nuclear weapons to an adversary's territory. Even in the nonnuclear wars of today, artificial satellites in orbit around the Earth play an essential part in surveillance, communications, and navigation. But these missiles and satellites are all unmanned. One can't just drop bombs from satellites to the Earth's surface— once something is put in orbit above the Earth's atmosphere, it stays in orbit unless a rocket brings it down. As far as I know there never has been a moment from Titov's flight to the present when the ability to put people into space gave any country the slightest military advantage.

I say this despite the fact that some military satellites have been put into orbit by the space shuttle. This could be done just as well and much more cheaply by unmanned rockets. It had been hoped that the shuttle, because reusable, would reduce the cost of putting satellites in orbit. Instead, while it costs about $3,000 a pound to use unmanned rockets to put satellites in orbit, the cost of doing this with the shuttle is about $10,000 a pound. The physicist Robert Park has pointed out that at this rate, even if lead could be turned into gold in orbit, it would not pay to send it up on the shuttle. Park could have added that in this case NASA would probably send lead bricks up on the shuttle anyway, and cite the gold in press releases as proof of the shuttle's value. There doesn't seem to have been any reason for the use of the shuttle to take some military satellites into orbit other than that NASA has needed some way to justify the shuttle's existence. During the Carter administration, NASA explained to the deputy national security adviser that unless President Carter forced military satellite missions onto the space shuttle it would be the President who would be responsible for the end of the shuttle program, since the shuttle could never survive if it had to charge commercial users the real cost of space launches.

3.

Similar remarks apply to the direct economic benefits of space travel. There is no doubt about the great value of artificial satellites in orbit around the Earth. Those that survey the Earth's surface give us information about weather, climate, and environmental change of all sorts, as well as warnings of military buildups and rocket launches. Satellites relay television programs and telephone conversations beyond the horizon. The Global Positioning System, which calculates the location of automobiles, ships, and planes, as well as missiles, relies on the timing of signals from satellites. But again, these are all unmanned satellites, and can be put into orbit most cheaply by unmanned rockets.

It is difficult to think of any direct economic benefit that can be gained by putting people into space. There has been a continuing effort to grow certain crystals in the nearly zero gravity on an orbiting satellite such as the International Space Station, or to make ultra-pure semiconductor films in the nearly perfect vacuum in the wake of the space station. Originally President Reagan approved the space station in the expectation that eventually it could be run at a profit. Nothing of economic value has come of this, and these programs have now apparently been wisely abandoned in the President's new plans for the space station.

Lately there has been some talk of sending astronauts to mine the light isotope helium three on the moon, where it has been deposited through billions of years of exposure of the moon's surface to the solar wind. The point is that the more familiar thermonuclear reactions that use hydrogen isotopes as fuel produce large numbers of neutrons, which could damage surrounding materials and make them radioactive, while thermonuclear reactions involving helium three produce far fewer neutrons, and hence less radioactive waste. A thermonuclear reactor using helium three might also allow a more efficient conversion of nuclear energy to electricity, if it could be made to work.

Unfortunately, that is a big "if." One of the things that makes the development of thermonuclear power so difficult is the necessity of heating the fuel to a very high temperature so that atomic nuclei can collide with each other with enough velocity to overcome the repulsive forces between the electric charges carried by the nuclei. Helium nuclei have twice the electric charge of hydrogen nuclei, so the temperature needed to produce thermonuclear reactions involving helium three and hydrogen isotopes is much higher than the temperature needed for reactions involving hydrogen isotopes alone. So far, no one has been able to produce a useful, self-sustaining thermonuclear reaction using hydrogen isotopes. Until that is done, there seems little point in going to great expense on the moon to mine a fuel whose use would make it even more difficult to generate thermonuclear power.

In his speech on January 14 President Bush emphasized that the space program produces "technological advances that have benefited all humanity." It is true that pursuing a demanding task like putting men on Mars can yield indirect benefits in the form of new technologies, but here too I think that unmanned missions are likely to be more productive. Trying to think of some future spinoff from space missions that would really benefit humanity, I find it hard to come up with anything more promising than the experience of designing robots that are needed for unmanned space missions. This experience can help us in building robots that can spare humans from dangerous or tedious jobs here on Earth. Surprises are always possible, but I don't see how anything of comparable value could come out of developing the specialized techniques needed to keep people alive on space missions.

4.

President Bush's presentation of his space initiative emphasized the scientific knowledge to be gained. Some readers of his speech may imagine astronauts on the shuttle or the space station peering through telescopes at planets or stars, or wandering about on the moon or Mars making discoveries about the history of the solar system. It doesn't work that way.

There is no question that observatories in space have led to a tremendous increase in astronomical knowledge. To take just one example, in the early 1990s instruments on the Cosmic Background Explorer satellite made measurements of a faint background of microwave radio static that had been discovered in 1965. This radiation is left over from a time when the universe was only about four hundred thousand years old. The new data showed that the intensity of this radiation at various wavelengths was just what would be emitted by opaque matter at a temperature of 2.725 degrees Celsius above absolute zero. It was the first time in the history of cosmology that anything had been measured to four significant figures. More important, the intensity of this radiation was found to be not perfectly uniform, but slightly lumpy. The observed intensity differs from one part of the sky to another by roughly one part in a hundred thousand for directions separated by a few degrees of arc. This amount of lumpiness is just what was expected, on the assumption that these variations in the cosmic microwave background arose from quantum fluctuations in the spatial distribution of energy in the very early universe, fluctuations that also eventually gave rise to the concentrations of matter—galaxies and clusters of galaxies—that astronomers see throughout the universe.

There followed a decade of increasingly refined observations of the cosmic microwave background from mountaintops, balloons, and the South Pole, but the distorting effect of the Earth's atmosphere sets a limit to the precision that can be obtained with measurements from even the highest altitudes accessible to balloons. Finally these studies were dramatically advanced in 2002 by a remarkable new space mission, the Wilkinson Microwave Anisotropy Probe. After making repeated loops around the Earth to build up speed, this probe traveled out to a point in space known as L2, about a million miles from the Earth (four times farther than the moon), in the direction opposite from the Sun. Anything placed at L2 orbits the Sun at just the speed needed to keep it at L2. There, in the cold quiet of interplanetary space, it was possible to map out the lumpiness of the cosmic microwave radiation background to an unprecedented level of accuracy. The comparison of these measurements with theory has confirmed our general ideas about the emergence of fluctuations in the very early universe; it has shown that the universe now consists of about 4 percent ordinary atoms, about 23 percent dark matter of some exotic type that does not interact with radiation, and the rest some sort of mysterious "dark energy" having negative pressure; and it has given the age of the universe as between 13.5 billion and 13.9 billion years.

Exciting research, of which NASA may justly feel proud. Research of this sort has made this a golden age for cosmology. But neither the Cosmic Microwave Background Explorer nor the Wilkinson Microwave Anisotropy Probe had any astronauts aboard. People were not needed. On the contrary, through their movements and body heat they would have fouled up these measurements, as well as greatly increasing the cost of these missions. The same is true of every one of the space observatories that have expanded our knowledge of the universe through observations of ultraviolet light, infrared light, X-rays, or gamma rays from above the Earth's atmosphere. Some of these observatories were taken into orbit by the shuttle, while others (including the Cosmic Microwave Background Explorer and the Wilkinson Microwave Anisotropy Probe) were carried up by unmanned rockets, as all of them could have been.

The Hubble Space Telescope is a special case. Like the other orbiting observatories, the Hubble operates under remote control, with no people traveling with it. But unlike these other observatories, the Hubble was not only launched by the shuttle, but has also been serviced several times by astronauts brought up to its orbit by the shuttle. The Hubble has made a great contribution to astronomy, one that goes way beyond taking gorgeous color photos of planets and nebulae. Most dramatically, teaming up with observatories on the ground, the Hubble carried out a program of measuring the distances and velocities of far-away galaxies. In 1998 these measure- ments revealed that the expansion of the universe is not being slowed down by the mutual gravitational attraction of its matter, as had been thought, but is rather speeding up, presumably in response to the gravitational repulsion of the dark energy I mentioned earlier. The Hubble may have given NASA its best argument for the scientific value of manned space flight.

But like the other space observatories, the Hubble Space Telescope could have been carried into orbit by unmanned rockets. This would have spared astronauts the danger of shuttle flights, and it would have been much cheaper. Riccardo Giacconi, the former director of the Space Telescope Science Institute, has estimated that by using unmanned rockets instead of the space shuttle, we could have sent up seven Hubbles without increasing the total mission cost. It would then not have been necessary to service the Hubble; when design flaws were discovered or parts wore out, we could just have sent up another Hubble.

What about the scientific experiments done by astronauts on the space shuttle or the space station? Recently I asked to see the list of experiments that NASA assigned to the astronauts aboard the Columbia space shuttle on its last flight, which ended tragically when the shuttle exploded during re-entry. It is sad to report that it is not an impressive list of experiments. Roughly half had to do with the effect of the space environment on the astronauts. This at least is a kind of science that cannot be done without the presence of astronauts, but it has no point unless one plans to put people into space for long periods for some other reason.

Of the other half of the Columbia's experiments, a large fraction dealt with the growth of crystals and the flow of fluids in nearly zero gravity, old standbys of NASA that have neither illuminated any fundamental issues of science nor led to any practical applications. It is always dangerous for a scientist in one field to try to judge the value of work done by specialists in other fields, but I think I would have heard about it if anything really exciting was coming out of any of these experiments, and I haven't. Much of the "scientific" program assigned to astronauts on the space shuttle and the space station has the flavor of projects done for a high school science talent contest. Some of the work looks interesting, but it is hard to see why it has to be done by people. For instance, there was just one experiment on Columbia devoted to astronomy, a useful measurement of variations in the energy being emitted from the sun. The principal investigator tells me that the only intervention of the astronauts consisted of turning the apparatus on and then turning it off.

Looking into the future, we need to ask, what scientific work can be done by astronauts on Mars? They can walk around and look at the terrain, and carry out tests on rocks, looking for signs of water or life, but all that can be done by robots. They can bring back rock samples, as the Apollo astronauts did from the moon, but that too can be done by robots. Samples of rocks from the moon were also brought back to Earth by unmanned Soviet lunar missions. It is sometimes said that the great disadvantage of using robots in a mission to Mars is that they can only be controlled by people on Earth with a long wait (at least four minutes) for radio signals to travel each way between the Earth and Mars. That would indeed be a severe problem if the robots were being sent to Mars to play tennis with Martians, but not much is happening there now, and I don't see why robots can't be left to operate with only occasional intervention from Earth. Any marginal advantage that astronauts may have over robots in exploring Mars would be more than canceled by the great cost of manned missions. For the cost of putting a few people in a single location on Mars, we could have robots studying many different landscapes all over the planet.

5.

Many scientists and some NASA administrators understand all this very well. I have frequently been told that it is necessary publicly to defend programs of manned space flight anyway, because the voters and their elected representatives only care about the drama of people in space. (Richard Garwin has reminded me of the old astronauts' proverb "No bucks without Buck Rogers.") It is hoped that while vast sums are being spent on manned space flight missions, a little money will be diverted to real science. I think that this attitude is self-defeating. Whenever NASA runs into trouble, it is science that is likely to be sacrificed first. After NASA had pushed the Apollo program to the point where people stopped watching lunar landings on television, it canceled Apollo 18 and 19, the missions that were to be specifically devoted to scientific research.

It is true that the administration now projects a 5 percent increase per year in NASA's funding for the next three years. So far, funding is being maintained for the next large space telescope, and is being increased for some other scientific programs, including robotic missions to the planets and their moons. But we can already see damage to programs that are not related to exploration of the solar system, and especially to research in cosmology. Studying the origin of the planets is interesting, but certainly not more so than studying the origin of the universe.

Two days after President Bush presented his new space initiative, NASA announced that the planned shuttle mission to service Hubble in 2006 would be canceled. This mission would have replaced gyroscopes and batteries that are needed to extend Hubble's life into the next decade, and it would have installed two new instruments (which have already been built, at a cost of $167 million) to extend Hubble's capacities. One of these instruments would have allowed Hubble to survey the sky in infrared and ultraviolet light, revealing much about the formation of the earliest stars and galaxies. The other was an ultraviolet spectrograph, which would have explored intergalactic matter in the early universe. Using older instruments, Hubble would also have pushed the program of measuring distances and velocities of galaxies to greater distances, mapping out the dark energy that is accelerating the expansion of the universe. Instead, in about three years, when the Hubble gyroscopes can no longer point the telescope accurately, it will cease operation. This will leave us with no large space telescope until 2011 at the earliest. Eventually, before the slight drag of the Earth's atmosphere at its altitude can bring the Hubble down, an unmanned rocket will be sent up to the Hubble to take it out of orbit and deposit it harmlessly into the ocean. Part of the increase in NASA's spending for science will be about $300 million for destroying Hubble.

NASA's stated reason for terminating the Hubble while continuing work on the space station is that it is more dangerous for the shuttle to go up to Hubble than to the space station. Supposedly, if the astronauts on the shuttle find that damage has been done to the shuttle's protective tiles during launch, they could wait in the space station for a rescue, while this would not be possible during a mission to the Hubble. But there are many other dangers to astronauts that are the same whether the shuttle is going to the space station or the Hubble Space Telescope. Among these is an explosion during launch, like the one that destroyed the Challenger shuttle in 1986. The New York Times Web site has carried a report from an anonymous NASA engineer who challenges NASA's statement that a shuttle flight to Hubble would be more risky than a flight to the space station. He or she points out that the shuttle would be less exposed to micrometeoroids and orbital debris at the altitude of Hubble than at the lower altitude of the space station.

Even if one considers only the possibility of damage to the shuttle's protective tiles, there may not be much difference in the risks of going to Hubble or the space station. The Columbia Accident Investigation Board discussed this safety problem, but it recommended that NASA develop the ability to repair the shuttle's tiles in space, whether or not it is docked to the space station, and it did not conclude that the Hubble had to be abandoned. To be reasonably sure of rescuing the astronauts even if it turns out that damage to the shuttle can't be repaired in space, it could be arranged at some extra cost that when one shuttle goes up to service Hubble, the other shuttle will be kept ready on the ground. For instance, the Hubble servicing mission could be scheduled just before one of the planned missions to the space station. In response to pressure from Congress and the scientific community, NASA has agreed to re-consider this decision. I don't know enough about questions of safety to judge this issue myself, but I share the widespread suspicion that Hubble is being sacrificed to save funds for the President's initiative, and in particular in order to reserve all flights on the shuttle's limited schedule for the one purpose of taking astronauts to and from the space station.

Perhaps because of its timing, the Hubble decision attracted great public attention, but there are other recent NASA decisions that have nothing to do with safety, and that therefore give clearer evidence of the willingness of NASA and the administration to sacrifice science to save money for manned space flight. In January 2003, after several years of scientists' making difficult decisions about their priorities, NASA announced a new initiative, called Beyond Einstein, to explore some of the more exotic phenomena predicted by Einstein's General Theory of Relativity. This includes a satellite (to be developed jointly with the Department of Energy) that would look at many more galaxies at great distances, in order to uncover the nature of the dark energy by finding whether its density has been changing as the universe expands. Equally important for cosmology, there would be another probe that would study the polarization of the cosmic microwave background to find indirect effects of gravitational waves from the early universe. (Gravitational waves bear the same relation to ordinary gravity that light waves bear to electric and magnetic fields—they are self-sustaining oscillations in the gravitational field, which propagate through empty space at the speed of light.)

Beyond Einstein also includes another satellite dedicated to searching for black holes, and two larger facilities. One is an array of X-ray telescopes called Constellation-X, which would observe matter falling into black holes. The other is called LISA, the Laser Interferometer Space Antenna. This "antenna" would consist of three unmanned spacecraft in orbit around the sun, separated from each other by about three million miles. Changes in the distances between the three spacecraft would be continually measured with a precision better than a millionth of an inch by combining laser beams passing between them. These exquisite measurements would be able to reveal the presence of gravitational waves passing through the solar system. LISA would have enough sensitivity to detect gravitational waves produced by stars being torn apart as they fall into black holes or by black holes merging with each other, events we can't see with ordinary telescopes. NASA has another particularly cost-effective program called Explorer, which has supported small and mid-sized observatories like the Cosmic Background Explorer and Wilkinson Microwave Anisotropy Probe.

Alas, NASA's Office of Space Science has now announced that the Beyond Einstein and Explorer programs "do not clearly support the goals of the President's Vision for space exploration," so their funding has been severely reduced. Funding for the three smaller Einstein missions has been put off for five years; LISA will be deferred for a year or more; Explorer will be reduced in scope for the next five years; and no proposals for new Explorer missions will be considered for one or two years. None of this damage is irreparable, but spending on the President's "New Vision" has barely begun. These deferrals, along with the end of Hubble servicing, are warnings that as the moon and Mars missions absorb more and more money, the golden age of cosmology is going to be terminated, in order to provide us with the spectacle of people going into space for no particular reason.

6.

When advocates of manned space flight run out of arguments for its contribution to "scientific, security, and economic interests," they invoke the spirit of exploration, and talk of the Oregon Trail (Bush I) or Lewis and Clark (Bush II). Like many others, I am not immune to the excitement of seeing astronauts walking on Mars or the moon. We have walked on Mars so often in our reading—with Dante and Beatrice, visiting the planet of martyrs and heroes; with Ray Bradbury's earthmen, finding ruins and revenants of a vanished Martian civilization; and more recently with Kim Stanley Robinson's pioneers, transforming Mars into a new home for humans. I hope that someday men and women will walk on the surface of Mars. But before then, there are two conditions that will need to be satisfied.

One condition is that there will have to be something for people to do on Mars which cannot be done by robots. If a few astronauts travel to Mars, plant a flag, look at some rocks, hit a few golf balls, and then come back, it will at first be a thrilling moment, but then, when nothing much comes of it, we will be left with a sour sense of disillusion, much as happened after the end of the Apollo missions. Perhaps after sending more robots to various sites on Mars something will be encountered that calls for direct study by humans. Until then, there is no point in people going there.

The other necessary condition is a reorientation of American thinking about government spending. There seems to be a general impression that government spending harms the economy by taking funds from the private sector, and therefore must always be kept to a minimum. Unlike what is usually called "big science"—orbiting telescopes, particle accelerators, genome projects—sending humans to the moon and Mars is so expensive that, as long as the public thinks of government spending as parasitic on the private economy, this program would interfere with adequate support for health care, homeland security, education, and other public goods, as it has already begun to interfere with spending on science.

My training is in physics, so I hesitate to make pronouncements about economics; but it seems obvious to me that for the government to spend a dollar on public goods affects total economic activity and employment in just about the same way as for government to cut taxes by a dollar that will then be spent on private goods. The chief difference is in the kind of goods produced by the economy—public or private. The question of what kind of goods we most need is not one of economic science but of value judgments, which anyone is competent to make. In my view the worst problem facing our society is not that there is a scarcity of private goods—food or clothing or SUVs or consumer electronics—but rather that there are sick people who cannot get health care, drug addicts who cannot get into rehabilitation programs, ports vulnerable to terrorist attack, insufficient resources to deal with Afghanistan and Iraq, and American children who are being left behind. As Justice Holmes said, "Taxes are what we pay for civilized society." But as long as the public is so averse to being taxed, there will be even less money either to ameliorate these societal problems or to do real scientific research if we spend hundreds of billions of dollars on sending people into space.

7.

In the foregoing, I have taken the President's space initiative seriously. That may be a mistake. Before the "New Vision" was announced, the administration was faced with the risk of political damage from a possible new fatal shuttle accident like the Columbia disaster less than a year earlier. That problem could be eased by canceling all shuttle flights before the 2004 presidential election, and allowing only enough flights after that to keep building the space station. The space station posed another problem: no one was excited any more by what had become the Great Orbital Turkey. While commitments to domestic contractors and international partners protected it from being immediately scrapped, its runaway costs needed to be cut. But just cutting back on the shuttle and the space station would be too negative, not at all in keeping with what might be expected from a President of Vision. So, back to the moon, and on to Mars! Most of the huge bills for these manned missions would come due after the President leaves office in 2005 or 2009, and the extra costs before then could be covered in part by cutting other things that no one in the White House is interested in anyway, like research on black holes and cosmology. After the end of the President's time in office, who cares? If future presidents are not willing to fund this initiative then it is they who will have to bear the stigma of limited vision. So, looking on the bright side, instead of spending nearly a trillion dollars on manned missions to the moon and Mars we may wind up spending only a fraction of that on nothing at all.

Steven Weinberg holds the Josey Regental Chair in Science at the University of Texas at Austin. He has been awarded the Nobel Prize in physics and the National Medal of Science. . His most recent book is Facing Up: Science and Its Cultural Adversaries. (April 2004)



© 1963-2004 NYREV, Inc. All rights reserved.

Saturday, March 27, 2004

Boo! Jobs Are Going Overseas! So, What?

Lou Dobbs on CNN is beating the outsourcing drum. Demagoguery is not limited to Faux News. Dobbs maintains a list of villainous corporations who are exporting gazillions of jobs overseas. Scapegoating is not the answer. If this is (fair & balanced) economic analysis, so be it.



[x Foreign Affairs]
The Outsourcing Bogeyman
By Daniel W. Drezner

THE TRUTH IS OFFSHORE

When a presidential election year coincides with an uncertain economy, campaigning politicians invariably invoke an international economic issue as a dire threat to the well-being of Americans. Speechwriters denounce the chosen scapegoat, the media provides blanket coverage of the alleged threat, and legislators scurry to introduce supposed remedies.

The cause of this year's commotion is offshore outsourcing -- the alleged migration of American jobs overseas. The depth of alarm was strikingly illustrated by the firestorm of reaction to recent testimony by N. Gregory Mankiw, the head of President George W. Bush's Council of Economic Advisers. No economist really disputed Mankiw's observation that "outsourcing is just a new way of doing international trade," which makes it "a good thing." But in the political arena, Mankiw's comments sparked a furor on both sides of the aisle. Democratic presidential candidate John Kerry accused the Bush administration of wanting "to export more of our jobs overseas," and Senate Minority Leader Tom Daschle quipped, "If this is the administration's position, I think they owe an apology to every worker in America." Speaker of the House Dennis Hastert, meanwhile, warned that "outsourcing can be a problem for American workers and the American economy."

Critics charge that the information revolution (especially the Internet) has accelerated the decimation of U.S. manufacturing and facilitated the outsourcing of service-sector jobs once considered safe, from backroom call centers to high-level software programming. (This concern feeds into the suspicion that U.S. corporations are exploiting globalization to fatten profits at the expense of workers.) They are right that offshore outsourcing deserves attention and that some measures to assist affected workers are called for. But if their exaggerated alarmism succeeds in provoking protectionist responses from lawmakers, it will do far more harm than good, to the U.S. economy and to American workers.

Should Americans be concerned about the economic effects of outsourcing? Not particularly. Most of the numbers thrown around are vague, overhyped estimates. What hard data exist suggest that gross job losses due to offshore outsourcing have been minimal when compared to the size of the entire U.S. economy. The outsourcing phenomenon has shown that globalization can affect white-collar professions, heretofore immune to foreign competition, in the same way that it has affected manufacturing jobs for years. But Mankiw's statements on outsourcing are absolutely correct; the law of comparative advantage does not stop working just because 401(k) plans are involved. The creation of new jobs overseas will eventually lead to more jobs and higher incomes in the United States. Because the economy -- and especially job growth -- is sluggish at the moment, commentators are attempting to draw a connection between offshore outsourcing and high unemployment. But believing that offshore outsourcing causes unemployment is the economic equivalent of believing that the sun revolves around the earth: intuitively compelling but clearly wrong.

Should Americans be concerned about the political backlash to outsourcing? Absolutely. Anecdotes of workers affected by outsourcing are politically powerful, and demands for government protection always increase during economic slowdowns. The short-term political appeal of protectionism is undeniable. Scapegoating foreigners for domestic business cycles is smart politics, and protecting domestic markets gives leaders the appearance of taking direct, decisive action on the economy.

Protectionism would not solve the U.S. economy's employment problems, although it would succeed in providing massive subsidies to well-organized interest groups. In open markets, greater competition spurs the reallocation of labor and capital to more profitable sectors of the economy. The benefits of such free trade -- to both consumers and producers -- are significant. Cushioning this process for displaced workers makes sense. Resorting to protectionism to halt the process, however, is a recipe for decline. An open economy leads to concentrated costs (and diffuse benefits) in the short term and significant benefits in the long term. Protectionism generates pain in both the short term and the long term.

THE SKY IS FALLING

Outsourcing occurs when a firm subcontracts a business function to an outside supplier. This practice has been common within the U.S. economy for some time. (Witness the rise of large call centers in the rural Midwest.) The reduction of communication costs and the standardization of software packages have now made it possible to outsource business functions such as customer service, telemarketing, and document management. Other affected professions include medical transcription, tax preparation, and financial services.

The numbers that are bandied about on offshore outsourcing sound ominous. The McKinsey Global Institute estimates that the volume of offshore outsourcing will increase by 30 to 40 percent a year for the next five years. Forrester Research estimates that 3.3 million white-collar jobs will move overseas by 2015. According to projections, the hardest hit sectors will be financial services and information technology (IT). In one May 2003 survey of chief information officers, 68 percent of IT executives said that their offshore contracts would grow in the subsequent year. The Gartner research firm has estimated that by the end of this year, 1 out of every 10 IT jobs will be outsourced overseas. Deloitte Research predicts the outsourcing of 2 million financial-sector jobs by 2009.

At first glance, current macroeconomic indicators seem to support the suspicion that outsourcing is destroying jobs in the United States. The past two years have witnessed moderate growth and astonishing productivity gains, but overall job growth has been anemic. The total number of manufacturing jobs has declined for 43 consecutive months. Surely, many observers insist, this must be because the jobs created by the U.S. recovery are going to other countries. Morgan Stanley analyst Stephen Roach, for example, has pointed out that "this is the first business cycle since the advent of the Internet -- the enabler of a new real-time connectivity to low-cost offshore labor pools." He adds, "I don't think it's a coincidence that this jobless recovery has occurred in such an environment." Those who agree draw on anecdotal evidence to support this assertion. CNN's Lou Dobbs routinely harangues U.S. companies engaged in offshore outsourcing in his "Exporting America" series.

Many IT executives have themselves contributed to this perception. When IBM announced plans to outsource 3,000 jobs overseas this year, one of its executives said, "[Globalization] means shifting a lot of jobs, opening a lot of locations in places we had never dreamt of before, going where there's low-cost labor, low-cost competition, shifting jobs offshore." Nandan Nilekani, the chief executive of the India-based Infosys Technologies, said at this year's World Economic Forum, "Everything you can send down a wire is up for grabs." In January testimony before Congress, Hewlett-Packard chief Carly Fiorina warned that "there is no job that is America's God-given right anymore."

That last statement chills the blood of most Americans. Few support the cause of free trade for its own sake, out of pure principle. The logic underlying an open economy is that if the economy sheds jobs in uncompetitive sectors, employment in competitive sectors will grow. If hi-tech industries are no longer competitive, where will new jobs be created?

INSIDE THE NUMBERS

Before answering that question, Americans need to separate fact from fiction. The predictions of job losses in the millions are driving the current outsourcing hysteria. But it is crucial to note that these predictions are of gross, not net, losses. During the 1990s, offshore outsourcing was not uncommon. (American Express, for one, set up back-office operations in India more than a decade ago.) But no one much cared because the number of jobs leaving U.S. shores was far lower than the number of jobs created in the U.S. economy.

Similarly, most current predictions are not as ominous as they first sound once the numbers are unpacked. Most jobs will remain unaffected altogether: close to 90 percent of jobs in the United States require geographic proximity. Such jobs include everything from retail and restaurants to marketing and personal care -- services that have to be produced and consumed locally, so outsourcing them overseas is not an option. There is also no evidence that jobs in the high-value-added sector are migrating overseas. One thing that has made offshore outsourcing possible is the standardization of such business tasks as data entry, accounting, and IT support. The parts of production that are more complex, interactive, or innovative -- including, but not limited to, marketing, research, and development -- are much more difficult to shift abroad. As an International Data Corporation analysis on trends in IT services concluded, "the activities that will migrate offshore are predominantly those that can be viewed as requiring low skill since process and repeatability are key underpinnings of the work. Innovation and deep business expertise will continue to be delivered predominantly onshore." Not coincidentally, these are also the tasks that generate high wages and large profits and drive the U.S. economy.

As for the jobs that can be sent offshore, even if the most dire-sounding forecasts come true, the impact on the economy will be negligible. The Forrester prediction of 3.3 million lost jobs, for example, is spread across 15 years. That would mean 220,000 jobs displaced per year by offshore outsourcing -- a number that sounds impressive until one considers that total employment in the United States is roughly 130 million, and that about 22 million new jobs are expected to be added between now and 2010. Annually, outsourcing would affect less than .2 percent of employed Americans.

There is also reason to believe that the unemployment caused by outsourcing will be lower than expected. Gartner assumed that more than 60 percent of financial-sector employees directly affected by outsourcing would be let go by their employers. But Boston University Professor Nitin Joglekar has examined the effect of outsourcing on large financial firms and found that less than 20 percent of workers affected by outsourcing lose their jobs; the rest are repositioned within the firm. Even if the most negative projections prove to be correct, then, gross job loss would be relatively small.

Moreover, it is debatable whether actual levels of outsourcing will ever match current predictions. Despite claims that the pace of onshore and offshore outsourcing would quicken over time, there was no increase in 2003. In fact, TPI Inc., an outsourcing advisory firm, even reports that the total value of business process outsourcing deals in the United States fell by 32 percent in 2003.

There is no denying that the number of manufacturing jobs has fallen dramatically in recent years, but this has very little do with outsourcing and almost everything to do with technological innovation. As with agriculture a century ago, productivity gains have outstripped demand, so fewer and fewer workers are needed for manufacturing. If outsourcing were in fact the chief cause of manufacturing losses, one would expect corresponding increases in manufacturing employment in developing countries. An Alliance Capital Management study of global manufacturing trends from 1995 to 2002, however, shows that this was not the case: the United States saw an 11 percent decrease in manufacturing employment over the course of those seven years; meanwhile, China saw a 15 percent decrease and Brazil a 20 percent decrease. Globally, the figure for manufacturing jobs lost was identical to the U.S. figure -- 11 percent. The fact that global manufacturing output increased by 30 percent in that same period confirms that technology, not trade, is the primary cause for the decrease in factory jobs. A recent analysis of employment data from U.S. multinational corporations by the U.S. Department of Commerce reached the same conclusion.

What about the service sector? Again, the data contradict the popular belief that U.S. jobs are being lost to foreign countries without anything to replace them. In the case of many low-level technology jobs, the phenomenon has been somewhat exaggerated. For example, a Datamonitor study found that global call-center operations are being outsourced at a slower rate than previously thought -- only five percent are expected to be located offshore by 2007. Dell and Lehman Brothers recently moved some of their call centers back to the United States from India because of customer complaints. And done properly, the offshore outsourcing of call centers creates new jobs at home. Delta Airlines outsourced 1,000 call-center jobs to India in 2003, but the $25 million in savings allowed the firm to add 1,200 reservation and sales positions in the United States.

Offshore outsourcing is similarly counterbalanced by job creation in the high-end service sector. An Institute for International Economics analysis of Bureau of Labor Statistics employment data revealed that the number of jobs in service sectors where outsourcing is likely actually increased, even though total employment decreased by 1.7 percent. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics Occupation Outlook Handbook, the number of IT-related jobs is expected to grow 43 percent by 2010. The case of IBM reinforces this lesson: although critics highlight the offshore outsourcing of 3,000 IT jobs, they fail to mention the company's plans to add 4,500 positions to its U.S. payroll. Large software companies such as Microsoft and Oracle have simultaneously increased outsourcing and domestic payrolls.

How can these figures fit with the widespread perception that IT jobs have left the United States? Too often, comparisons are made to 2000, an unusual year for the technology sector because Y2K fears and the height of the dot-com bubble had pushed employment figures to an artificially high level. When 1999 is used as the starting point, it becomes clear that offshore outsourcing has not caused a collapse in IT hiring. Between 1999 and 2003, the number of jobs in business and financial operations increased by 14 percent. Employment in computer and mathematical positions increased by 6 percent.

It is also worth remembering that many predictions come from management consultants who are eager to push the latest business fad. Many of these consulting firms are themselves reaping commissions from outsourcing contracts. Much of the perceived boom in outsourcing stems from companies' eagerness to latch onto the latest management trends; like Dell and Lehman, many will partially reverse course once the hidden costs of offshore outsourcing become apparent.

If offshore outsourcing is not the cause of sluggish job growth, what is? A study by the Federal Reserve Bank of New York suggests that the economy is undergoing a structural transformation: jobs are disappearing from old sectors (such as manufacturing) and being created in new ones (such as mortgage brokering). In all such transformations, the creation of new jobs lags behind the destruction of old ones. In other words, the recent recession and current recovery are a more extreme version of the downturn and "jobless recovery" of the early 1990s -- which eventually produced the longest economic expansion of the post-World War II era. Once the structural adjustments of the current period are complete, job growth is expected to be robust. (And indeed, current indicators are encouraging: there has been a net increase in payroll jobs and in small business employment since 2003 and a spike in IT entrepreneurial activity.)

Offshore outsourcing is undoubtedly taking place, and it will likely increase over the next decade. However, it is not the tsunami that many claim. Its effect on the U.S. economy has been exaggerated, and its effect on the U.S. employment situation has been grossly exaggerated.

THE UPSIDE OF OUTSOURCING

To date, the media's coverage of outsourcing has focused on its perceived costs. This leaves out more than half of the story. The benefits of offshore outsourcing should not be dismissed.

The standard case for free trade holds that countries are best off when they focus on sectors in which they have a comparative advantage -- that is, sectors that have the lowest opportunity costs of production. Allowing countries to specialize accordingly increases productivity across all countries. This specialization translates into cheaper goods, and a greater variety of them, for all consumers.

The current trend of outsourcing business processes overseas is comparative advantage at work. The main driver of productivity gains over the past decade has been the spread of information technology across the economy. The commodification of simple business services allows those benefits to spread further, making growth even greater.

The data affirm this benefit. Catherine Mann of the Institute for International Economics conservatively estimates that the globalization of IT production has boosted U.S. GDP by $230 billion over the past seven years; the globalization of IT services should lead to a similar increase. As the price of IT services declines, sectors that have yet to exploit them to their fullest -- such as construction and health care -- will begin to do so, thus lowering their cost of production and improving the quality of their output. (For example, cheaper IT could one day save lives by reducing the number of "adverse drug events." Mann estimates that adding bar codes to prescription drugs and instituting an electronic medical record system could reduce the annual number of such events by more than 80,000 in the United States alone.)

McKinsey Global Institute has estimated that for every dollar spent on outsourcing to India, the United States reaps between $1.12 and $1.14 in benefits. Thanks to outsourcing, U.S. firms save money and become more profitable, benefitting shareholders and increasing returns on investment. Foreign facilities boost demand for U.S. products, such as computers and telecommunications equipment, necessary for their outsourced function. And U.S. labor can be reallocated to more competitive, better-paying jobs; for example, although 70,000 computer programmers lost their jobs between 1999 and 2003, more than 115,000 computer software engineers found higher-paying jobs during that same period. Outsourcing thus enhances the competitiveness of the U.S. service sector (which accounts for 30 percent of the total value of U.S. exports). Contrary to the belief that the United States is importing massive amounts of services from low-wage countries, in 2002 it ran a $64.8 billion surplus in services.

Outsourcing also has considerable noneconomic benefits. It is clearly in the interest of the United States to reward other countries for reducing their barriers to trade and investment. Some of the countries where U.S. firms have set up outsourcing operations -- including India, Poland, and the Philippines -- are vital allies in the war on terrorism. Just as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) helped Mexico deepen its democratic transition and strengthen its rule of law, the United States gains considerably from the political reorientation spurred by economic growth and interdependence.

Finally, the benefits of "insourcing" should not be overlooked. Just as U.S. firms outsource positions to developing countries, firms in other countries outsource positions to the United States. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the number of outsourced jobs increased from 6.5 million in 1983 to 10 million in 2000. The number of insourced jobs increased even more in the same period, from 2.5 million to 6.5 million.

POLITICAL ECONOMY

When it comes to trade policy, there are two iron laws of politics. The first is that the benefits of trade diffuse across the economy, but the costs of trade are concentrated. Thus, those made worse off by open borders will form the more motivated interest group. The second is that public hostility toward trade increases during economic downturns. When forced to choose between statistical evidence showing that trade is good for the economy and anecdotal evidence of job losses due to import competition, Americans go with the anecdotes.

Offshore outsourcing adds two additional political pressures. The first stems from the fact that technological innovation has converted what were thought to be nontradeable sectors into tradeable ones. Manufacturing workers have long been subject to the rigors of global competition. White-collar service-sector workers are being introduced to these pressures for the first time -- and they are not happy about it. As Raghuram Rajan and Luigi Zingales point out in "Saving Capitalism From the Capitalists," globalization and technological innovation affect professions such as law and medicine that have not changed all that much for centuries. Their political reaction to the threat of foreign competition will be fierce.

The second pressure is that the Internet has greatly facilitated political organization, making it much easier for those who blame outsourcing for their troubles to rally together. In recent years, countless organizations -- with names such as Rescue American Jobs, Save U.S. Jobs, and the Coalition for National Sovereignty and Economic Patriotism -- have sprouted up. Such groups have disproportionately focused on white-collar tech workers, even though the manufacturing sector has been much harder hit by the recent economic slowdown.

It should come as no surprise, then, that politicians are scrambling to get ahead of the curve. During the Democratic primary in South Carolina -- a state hit hard by the loss of textile jobs -- billboards asked voters, "Lost your job to free trade or offshore outsourcing yet?" Last Labor Day, President Bush pledged to appoint a manufacturing czar to get to the bottom of the outflow of manufacturing positions. In his stump speech, John Kerry bashes "Benedict Arnold CEOs[who] send American jobs overseas."

Where presidential candidates lead, legislators are sure to follow. Senator Charles Schumer (D-N.Y.) claimed in a January New York Times op-ed authored with Paul Craig Roberts that because of increased capital mobility, the law of comparative advantage is now null and void. Senator Tom Daschle (D-S.D.) has observed, "George Bush says the economy is creating jobs. But let me tell you, China is one long commute. And let me tell you, I'm tired of watching jobs shift overseas." Senator Christopher Dodd (D-Conn.) and Representative Nancy Johnson (R-Conn.) are sponsoring the USA Jobs Protection Act to prevent U.S. companies from hiring foreign workers for positions when American workers are available. In February, Senate Democrats announced their intentions to introduce the Jobs for America Act, requiring companies to give public notice three months in advance of any plan to outsource 15 or more jobs. In March, the Senate overwhelmingly approved a measure banning firms from federal contracts if they outsource any of the work overseas. In the past two years, more than 20 state legislatures have introduced bills designed to make various forms of offshore outsourcing illegal.

SPLENDID ISOLATION?

There are clear examples of jobs being sent across U.S. borders because of U.S. trade policy -- but not for the reasons that critics of outsourcing believe. Consider the example of candy-cane manufacturers: despite the fact that 90 percent of the world's candy canes are consumed in the United States, manufacturers have sent much of their production south of the border in the past five years. The attraction of moving abroad, however, has little to do with low wages and much to do with protectionism. U.S. quotas on sugar imports have, in recent years, caused the domestic price of sugar to become 350 percent higher than world market prices. As candy makers have relocated production to countries where sugar is cheaper, between 7,500 and 10,000 workers in the Midwest have lost their jobs -- victims not of outsourcing but of the kind of protectionism called for by outsourcing's critics.

A similar story can be told of the steel tariffs that the Bush administration foolishly imposed from March 2002 until December 2003 (when a ruling by the World Trade Organization prompted their cancellation). The tariffs were allegedly meant to protect steelworkers. But in the United States, steel users employ roughly 40 times more people than do steel producers. Thus, according to estimates by the Institute for International Economics, between 45,000 and 75,000 jobs were lost because higher steel prices made U.S. steel-using industries less competitive.

These examples illustrate the problem with relying on anecdotes when debating the effects of offshore outsourcing. Anecdotes are incomplete narratives that fail to capture opportunity costs. In the cases of steel and sugar, the opportunity cost of using protectionism to save jobs was the much larger number of jobs lost in sectors rendered less productive by higher input prices. Trade protectionism amounts to an inefficient subsidy for uncompetitive sectors of the economy, which leads to higher prices for consumers and a lower rate of return for investors. It preserves jobs in less competitive sectors while destroying current and future jobs in sectors that have a comparative advantage. Thus, if barriers are erected to prevent offshore outsourcing, the overall effect will not be to create jobs but to destroy them.

So if protectionism is not the answer, what is the correct response? The best piece of advice is also the most difficult for elected officials to follow: do no harm. Politicians never get credit for inaction, even when inaction is the best policy. President George H.W. Bush, for example, was pilloried for refusing to follow Japan's lead by protecting domestic markets -- even though his refusal helped pave the way for the 1990s boom by letting market forces allocate resources to industries at the technological frontier. Restraint is anathema to the political class, but it is still the most important response to the furor over offshore outsourcing. As Robert McTeer, president of the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, said when asked about policy responses to outsourcing, "If we are lucky, we can get through the year without doing something really, really stupid."

The problem of offshore outsourcing is less one of economics than of psychology -- people feel that their jobs are threatened. The best way to help those actually affected, and to calm the nerves of those who fear that they will be, is to expand the criteria under which the Trade Adjustment Assistance (TAA) program applies to displaced workers. Currently, workers cannot apply for TAA unless overall sales or production in their sector declines. In the case of offshore outsourcing, however, productivity increases allow for increased production and sales -- making TAA out of reach for those affected by it. It makes sense to rework TAA rules to take into account workers displaced by offshore outsourcing even when their former industries or firms maintain robust levels of production.

Another option would be to help firms purchase targeted insurance policies to offset the transition costs to workers directly affected by offshore outsourcing. Because the perception of possible unemployment is considerably greater than the actual likelihood of losing a job, insurance programs would impose a very small cost on firms while relieving a great deal of employee anxiety. McKinsey Global Institute estimates that such a scheme could be created for as little as four or five cents per dollar saved from offshore outsourcing. IBM recently announced the creation of a two-year, $25 million retraining fund for its employees who fear job losses from outsourcing. Having the private sector handle the problem without extensive government intervention would be an added bonus.

THE BEST DEFENSE

Until robust job growth returns, the debate over outsourcing will not go away -- the political temptation to scapegoat foreigners is simply too great.

The refrain of "this time, it's different" is not new in the debate over free trade. In the 1980s, the Japanese variety of capitalism -- with its omniscient industrial policy and high nontariff barriers -- was supposed to supplant the U.S. system. Fifteen years later, that prediction sounds absurd. During the 1990s, the passage of NAFTA and the Uruguay Round of trade talks were supposed to create a "giant sucking sound" as jobs left the United States. Contrary to such fears, tens of millions of new jobs were created. Once the economy improves, the political hysteria over outsourcing will also disappear.

It is easy to praise economic globalization during boom times; the challenge, however, is to defend it during the lean years of a business cycle. Offshore outsourcing is not the bogeyman that critics say it is. Their arguments, however, must be persistently refuted. Otherwise, the results will be disastrous: less growth, lower incomes -- and fewer jobs for American workers.

Daniel W. Drezner is Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Chicago. He is the author of The Sanctions Paradox (Cambridge 1999).

Copyright © 2002--2004 by the Council on Foreign Relations. All rights reserved.



How The Bushies Got It Wrong & Dick Clarke Isn't Right

Why did we attack Iraq when the enemy was Al Qaeda? Think "Axis of Evil" in the 2003 State of the Union address. The source of terror was not this amorphous gang of terrorists. The source was the rogue state: Syria, Iran, and North Korea. Al Qaeda is still on the loose because the U.S. still operates under the false assumption of state-sponsored terror. The Saudi royal family shovels money at Al Qaeda so that Al Qaeda stays the hell away from the Kingdom. The sole state-sponsorship of Al Qaeda was provided by the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. Look at that example. However, the U.S. diversion of military assets to Iraq has made Afghanistan into a no-man's land of warlords and outlaws and Al Qaeda is still at large. Peter Neuman is right. It's not neglect that caused 9/11, it's stupidity. If this is (fair & balanced) revisionism, so be it.



[x NYTimes]
Why Nobody Saw 9/11 Coming
By PETER R. NEUMAN

LONDON — Did the Bush administration, before the 9/11 attacks, fail to take terrorism seriously enough? At first the contention seems unlikely. Isn't this the most hawkish administration in living memory? Wasn't it President Bush who coined the phrase "war on terror"?

Yet in the current hearings on the attacks — and in the controversy surrounding the new book by Richard A. Clarke, the administration's first counterterrorism chief — the words "neglect" and "failure" keep cropping up.

And there is something to these accusations — although perhaps not in the sense that the people making them intend. The administration's early failures on terrorism cannot be pinned down to individual instances of "neglect." To understand what really went wrong, we need to go back to the last decades of the cold war, when people like Condoleezza Rice, the national security adviser, and Vice President Dick Cheney first started to make sense of terrorism.

In the 1970's and 80's, the predominant view among Washington hawks was that none of the various terrorist groups that operated in Western Europe and the Middle East was truly independent. They were all connected through a vast terrorist network, which was created and supported by the Soviet Union and its Eastern European satellites. The Communists' aim, the hawks believed, was to destabilize the Western societies without being directly linked to violence.

It all seemed to make perfect sense, and books like "The Terror Network" by Claire Sterling, which argued the network hypothesis with considerable force and conviction, became essential reading for anyone who wanted to make his way in the Reagan White House.

The idea that the sinister hand of the Kremlin was behind groups like the Italian Red Brigades and even the Irish Republican Army revealed the deep sense of paranoia within political circles at the time. More important, the idea of the Communist terrorism network buttressed the conservative fixation on states as the only major actors in the international political system.

According to the classically "realist" mindset, only states can pose a significant threat to the national security of other states, because lesser actors simply do not have the capacity, sophistication and resources to do so. Hence, if terrorists suddenly became effective in destabilizing countries like Italy, they couldn't possibly have acted on their own. They must have had state sponsors, and it was only by tackling the state sponsors (in this case, the Soviet bloc), that you could root out the terrorists.

During the cold war, the paradigm of "state-sponsored terrorism" was useful, if not entirely correct. Most terrorists did receive help from states, and there were some links between disparate groups, although not to the extent that many in the United States believed. And some of the worst atrocities — like the 1983 attack on United States military headquarters in Beirut — were in fact carried out by groups that had been created by "rogue states" like Iran, Libya and Syria.

With the end of the cold war, however, things changed. While there was no longer a prime state sponsor for any "terror network," there was also no longer any need for one. It became easy to travel from one country to another. Money could be collected and transferred around the globe. Cell phones and the Internet made it possible to maintain tight control of an elusive group that could move its "headquarters" across continents. In fact, by the end of the decade, it seemed as if the model of state-sponsored terrorism had effectively been reversed: Al Qaeda was now in charge of a state — Afghanistan under the Taliban — rather than vice versa.

But the Washington hawks failed to see what was happening. The world around them had changed, but their paradigm hadn't. For them, states continued to be the only real movers and shakers in the international system, and any serious "strategic" threat to America's security could only come from an established nation.

Consider an article in the January/February 2000 issue of Foreign Affairs magazine by Condoleezza Rice, titled "Campaign 2000 — Promoting the National Interest." Ms. Rice, spelling out the foreign policy priorities of a Bush White House, argued that after years of drift under the Clinton administration, United States foreign policy had to concentrate on the "real challenges" to American security. This included renewing "strong and intimate relationships" with allies, and focusing on "big powers, particularly Russia and China." In Ms. Rice's view, the threat of non-state terrorism was a secondary problem — in her to do list" it was under the category of "rogue regimes," to be tackled best by dealing "decisively with the threat of hostile powers."

It comes as no surprise, therefore, that there was relatively little interest in Al Qaeda when the Bush team took over. For most of 2001, the national security agenda really consisted of only two items, neither of which had anything to do with the terrorist threat of radical Islam. First, the administration increased its efforts to bring about regime change in Iraq, which was believed to be the prime source of instability in a region of great strategic importance.

The second goal was a more competitive stance toward China. Missile defense — this time against attack by China and North Korea — was put back on the table. Even the collision of an American spy plane with a Chinese fighter in 2001 is an indication of the administration's mindset — intelligence resources were deployed not to find Osama bin Laden, but to monitor what many White House hawks considered the most likely future challenger of American power.

Sept. 11, 2001, brought about a quick re-orientation of foreign policy. What didn't change, however, was the state-centered mindset of the people who were in charge. According to Mr. Clarke, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld immediately suspected Saddam Hussein, and suggested military strikes against Iraq. While cooler heads prevailed at the time, and there was a real effort to track down and destroy the Qaeda network, there was also a reluctance to abandon the idea that terrorism had to be state-based. Hence the administration's insistence that there must be an "axis of evil" — a group of states critical in sustaining the terrorists. It was an attempt to reconcile the new, confusing reality with long-established paradigm of state sponsorship.

In the end, the 9/11 hearings are likely to find that the intelligence failure that led to the horrific attacks stemmed from the longstanding problems of wrongly placed agents, failed communications between government departments and lack of resources. But it was also a failure of vision — one for which the current administration must take responsibility.

Peter R. Neumann is a research fellow in international terrorism at the Department of War Studies, King's College London.

Copyright © 2004 The New York Times Company

Friday, March 26, 2004

I Should Be On Talk Radio

First, Bob Edwards is leaving "Morning Edition" and now Tony Kornheiser is leaving talk radio. This is a black day in my media world. I don't usually admire the work in the local fishwrap's LARGEST department: Sports. However, the writer—Mike Lee—offers a balanced appreciation of the Tony Kornheiser Show on ESPN Radio. If this is (fair & balanced) regret, so be it.



[x Amarillo Globe-News]
On the radio, Kornheiser was a cut above
By MIKE LEE

A colleague once philosophized: "Those who can, do. Those who can't, teach. Those who can't teach end up on talk radio."

Sports talk radio, in particular, can dumb down the American public. Callers spend hours hurling verbal insults at each other, and hosts spend hours interviewing self-serving professional athletes who care only about promoting themselves and dancing around legitimate questions.

Amid the airways of mindless chatter, "The Tony Kornheiser Show" on ESPN radio rose above the rest. Kornheiser's show - at least in its present form - is signing off for good today. Locally, that means no more of the balding East Coast snob from 9 to 11 a.m. on KPUR 1440-AM.

Amid the good ol' boy gibberish of most shows, Kornheiser's stood out as the thinking person's sports talk show. He rarely took calls. He didn't interview athletes.

Instead, Kornheiser interviewed those who covered the teams and athletes - sportswriters and TV beat writers. They told listeners what really was going on with the Yankees, Cowboys or Lakers.

National journalists such as Jim O'Connell on college basketball, David Dupree and David Aldridge on the NBA, or Len Pasquarelli on the NFL shared unique insight. Kornheiser listeners were treated to the veteran savvy of the Chicago Tribune's Sam Smith, the unbridled passion of the Boston Globe's Bob Ryan and the folksy delivery of the Fort Worth Star-Telegram's Randy Galloway.

There were off-the-wall regulars headed by John Riggins, the former NFL bad boy whose now-mellowed insights offer a matured perspective.

Kornheiser's best guest was during the Major League Baseball season, when Joe Morgan was a Friday regular. Morgan is a rare gem - a former athlete who offers his honest opinions on tough issues without worrying about what players might think.

Kornheiser often ventured outside the sports arena, including weekly chats with Washington Post movie critic Stephen Hunter. Kornheiser's opening segment often focused on the story of the day - sports-related or not.

He has a knack for capturing the historical relevance of an event. When an important person died - like Bob Hope, for example - Kornheiser could educate his younger listeners on why this person was important to the world they live in today.

Listeners felt they knew Kornheiser personally from his stories about walking his dog at 5:30 every morning, moving his daughter to college or attending one of his son's prep golf tournaments.

Unlike some talk show hosts who pretend to be an expert on every subject, Kornheiser admitted he didn't know much about the NHL or a particular sports event that ran past his strict 9:30 bedtime. When Kornheiser planned a segment on the NHL playoffs, his guest would be a hockey expert. When he needed insight on that late game, he woke up a journalist who covered it.

Because he's sharply opinionated, Kornheiser was either loved or hated by listeners. Neutrality wasn't an option with Mr. Tony, Kornheiser's name for himself when he told stories of the privileges of being a Washington Post sports columnist and ESPN personality.

He refers to ESPN SportsCenter anchors and news types as "Heads," a derogatory term for those he didn't feel were real journalists. But while serving on the panel for "Dream Job," a reality TV show in which ESPN is selecting its next SportsCenter anchor from more than 10,000 candidates, Kornheiser admitted he couldn't do what the "Heads" do.

Kornheiser doesn't care much for women's sports - unless the UConn basketball team is going for its 69th straight NCAA championship. Such opinions may alienate some of his potential audience, but that's Tony.

For all his strong opinions, though, Kornheiser doesn't take himself too seriously. He poked fun at himself, keeping alive ESPN viewers of him as being fat, bald and having an orange skin tone. When he was having a bad show, he readily admitted it on the air. The show's e-mail address was thisshowstinks@espnradio.com.

Kornheiser turned off some listeners from the South, Midwest and West because he's a classic East Coast snob. But that's part of his appeal, his charm. When he makes a comment suggesting that nothing important happened west of the Hudson River, listeners could either get mad or laugh. Those who allowed themselves to laugh were better entertained for it.

It was a similar situation with Kornheiser's constant interruptions of Dan "The Duke" Davis during SportsCenter news breaks every 20 minutes. You can either let yourself be entertained by Kornheiser's insightful or humorous interruptions or allow yourself to become irritated.

Kornheiser still will co-host "Pardon the Interruption" on ESPN television with Michael Wilbon and write a sports column for the Washington Post. But in Amarillo, his unique approach to sports talk radio will be missed.

Mike Lee, assistant sports editor of the Globe-News, can be reached at (806) 345-3313 or at michael.lee@amarillo.com.

© The Amarillo Globe-News Online





Say It Isn't So, NPR

I will miss the mellow tones of Bob Edwards' voice on weekday mornings. Since NPR went on air in Amarillo a few years ago, mornings were better because of Bob Edwards. The suits at NPR are making a big mistake. If this is (fair & balanced) umbrage, so be it.



[x NYTimes]
NPR News Is Replacing Morning Host
By LYNETTE CLEMETSON

WASHINGTON, March 23 — Morning radio will soon lose one of its most familiar news anchors. Bob Edwards, who for nearly 25 years has greeted millions of weekday listeners with the distinctive and richly toned opener "This is `Morning Edition' from NPR News," is being replaced as host of that flagship morning program.

The decision was made by NPR management as part of an effort to update its programming.

"This is part of the natural evolution of NPR, and finding the critical mix of new voices and familiar voices," said Ken Stern, executive vice president for the radio network, which broadcasts to more than 22 million listeners on 770 public radio stations. "This is not about individuals but about goals for the show itself. Bob is not leaving. He's going to be on the air for years to come, and that is the context that this needs to be understood in."

Mr. Edwards, 56, has accepted a new position as a senior correspondent for NPR, though he said contract negotiations were not yet complete. "I would prefer to remain the host of `Morning Edition,' certainly through its 25th anniversary in November," he said. "But apparently it's not my decision. It's my baby. I was there from the get-go. I never had any plans to do anything else."

"Morning Edition," which is broadcast live from 5 to 7 a.m. and is rebroadcast throughout the morning, is the most listened to morning radio program in the country, with 13 million listeners weekly, NPR says, citing figures from Arbitron, which measures radio audiences. The show's audience has grown 41 percent in the last five years, NPR says.

Mr. Edwards said he found out early this month that he was being reassigned. "I was called into an office, and they said, `We're making a change,' " he said. "You get a line like that, and I guess you should come back with some snappy rejoinder. But of course I did not. I was very surprised."

The public radio network issued a news release on Tuesday morning announcing Mr. Edwards's reassignment after he had told his staff.

Mr. Stern said that no decisions had been made on a new host or hosts for the program. But two correspondents, Steve Inskeep and Renée Montagne, will be interim hosts beginning May 1, when Mr. Edwards begins a previously scheduled leave to promote his new book, "Edward R. Murrow and the Birth of Broadcast Journalism" (John Wiley & Sons, $19.95).

"People will hear from us about new hosting arrangements in coming weeks," Mr. Stern said. Mr. Edwards made no announcement on the air on Tuesday, and he said he had not decided when or how to tell his audience. "I would prefer not to say anything on air, because I would have difficulty explaining it," he said. "And it's not goodbye. It's just another role. I'm still going to be speaking to the same audience."

Colleagues, some of whom had heard rumblings about the reassignment over the past couple of weeks, heaped praise on Mr. Edwards. "He's been that strong steady voice, that glorious baritone, that has been just what people need to hear first thing in the morning," said Diane Rehm, who began as host of her own NPR program, "The Diane Rehm Show," two months before Mr. Edwards started "Morning Edition."

Nina Totenberg, who covers the Supreme Court for NPR said: "I will miss him on the air, as listeners will, but I also expect that I will like what I hear next. Nothing stays the same forever, and he deserves a break."

To prepare for the broadcast each day Mr. Edwards has, for two and a half decades, gotten up at 1 a.m. and arrived at the office by 2 to sift through newspaper and news service copy, interview overseas guests and crank through preproduction chores. For years he joked that his children, now adults, regularly tucked him into bed. "They used to read me stories," he said. "I'd go to bed at 6, and they'd stay up a while. I guess now I get to stay up and ask them to come to visit."

Copyright © 2004 The New York Times Company