Tuesday, March 28, 2006

The REAL Reason Why Dub Keeps Screwing Up

Dub and his henchmen don't want to play the "Blame Game" unless they can pin their messes on "The Media" (except Faux News). This nonsense echoes back to The Trickster's time. The Media lost Vietnam. We're getting our butts kicked in Iraq because of The Media. Bill O'Reilly threatens to delve into the personal lives of NYTimesmen Frank Rich and Bill Keller. O'Reilly has a lot of room to talk about questionable behavior. If this is (fair & balanced) hypocrisy, so be it.

Click on the image to enlarge it.



Copyright © 2006 Tom Tomorrow and Salon Media Group, Inc.


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Monday, March 27, 2006

Ever Wonder Why There's So Little "Good News" Out Of Iraq?

Dub and his Merry Men have created a snafu (Situation Normal - All F*cked Up) in Iraq. Dub has more of a chance of storing a snowball in the Hot Place than he has of letting "Freedom Reign" in that small bit of Hell known as Iraq. Shiites, Sunnis, Kurds, Baathists, Al Qaeda in Iraq make up a recipe for tragic failure. Congressman John Murtha (D-PA) is right: Get the hell out now! Dub is headed down the same blind alley as LBJ and the Trickster. Dub has nearly installed the Trickster's COINTELPRO plan that caused even J. Edgar Hoover to say, "That dog won't hunt." We are in a total mess. If this is (fair & balanced) pessimism, so be it.

[x Wall Street Journal]
A Better Idea: Promote Democracy and Prevent Terrorism—but don't conflate the two.

As an editorial in The Wall Street Journal recently asked: "Anyone out there have a better idea" than the Bush administration's policy of high-profile democracy promotion in the Arab and Muslim worlds as a means to fight terrorism? Well, yes, there is one. That better idea consists of separating the struggle against radical Islamism from promoting democracy in the Middle East, focusing on the first struggle, and dramatically changing our tone and tactics on the democracy promotion front, at least for now.

The essential problem with the administration's approach is that it conflates two issues that are separate. The first has to do with violent, antimodern radical Islamism (on display both in the reaction to the Danish cartoons and in the mosque bombing in Samarra); the second concerns the dysfunctionality of political and social institutions in much of the Arab world.

It is, of course, the administration's thesis that the latter condition causes the former. It is also its contention that U.S. Cold War policies of support for Arab "friendly tyrants" are mainly to blame for Arab authoritarianism. Thus did the president say in November 2003--since repeated several times by Condoleezza Rice--that we sacrificed freedom for stability in the Middle East for 60 years, and got neither. It follows from this view that if the United States stops supporting authoritarian regimes and instead does all it prudently can to bring about democratic ones, our terrorist problem will be dramatically reduced if not altogether solved.

Authoritarian political cultures do function as enablers of radical Islamism, but the essential cause of the latter--today as before, in dozens of historical cases concerning violent millenarian movements--is the difficulty that some societies and individuals have in coming to terms with social change. That is why rapid modernization is likely to produce more short-term radicalism, not less. Muslims in democratic Europe are as much a part of this problem as those in the Middle East. This is not a trivial point; it is a central one that directly challenges a key tenet of the administration's view.

What the administration sees as one problem ought to be seen as two. Radical Islamism needs to be dealt with separately from democracy promotion. This involves doing everything we can to ensure the political success of the governments in Afghanistan and Iraq. It also involves killing, capturing or otherwise neutralizing hard-core terrorists in many parts of the world, and keeping dangerous materials out of their hands, in what will look less like a war than like police and intelligence operations.

But the threat above all lies on the level of ideas. Just as it proved possible to stigmatize and eventually eliminate slavery from mainstream global norms without having first to wait for the mass advent of liberal democracy, it should be possible to effectively stigmatize jihadi terrorism without having first to midwife democracies from Morocco to Bangladesh. The United States and its Western allies should be helping genuine, traditional and pious Muslims to reassert their dominance over a beautiful and capacious religious civilization in the face of a well-financed assault by extremist thugs. (This, of course, is not a new idea, but we have barely begun to take its implementation seriously.) We should also be vigorously supporting the Danes and genuine European liberals when they are attacked by illiberal and violent Islamists.

Promoting liberal and democratic institutions in the Middle East should be decoupled from this fight, since it is a much more long-term project--and a project in need of significant redesign. The Bush administration has not admitted to itself the degree to which it has been knocked off its own timetable by the chaotic situation in Iraq. Its Broader Middle East and North Africa initiative to promote democracy in the Middle East through high-profile rhetorical support for democracy and funding for local democratic organizations was originally conceived as a way of capitalizing on the momentum gained from a successful Iraqi transition to democracy. But there is no such momentum right now, only backlash. Many would-be democratic opponents of regimes in places like Syria or Iran now say they'd prefer the status quo to the situation the Iraqis are in. This does not paint a rosy picture for the Bush administration's new initiative to promote democratic regime change in Iran; it will be hard to find any takers for the $75 million in new funding for this purpose.

To put it mildly, the Iraq war has not increased the prestige of the U.S. and American ideas like liberal democracy in the Middle East. The U.S. does not have abundant moral authority for promoting the rule of law, since the first thing people in the region associate with America today is prisoner abuse at Guantanamo, Bagram and Abu Ghraib. Many Americans have explained these events to themselves by saying that the abuse was an aberration that has been hyped by enemies of the U.S., and that in any event such things just happen during wartime. Perhaps; but the fact remains that Guantanamo is still open, and nobody except for a couple of lowly enlisted soldiers have been prosecuted for prisoner abuse by the Bush administration. Fair or not, American insistence on rule of law and human rights looks simply hypocritical.

The Bush administration has indeed opened up new space for debate and political participation in the Arab and Muslim worlds. But recent elections in Iran, Egypt, Palestine, and Iraq have either brought to power or increased the prestige of profoundly illiberal groups like Hamas and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood; even our putative friends in the Shiite alliance that did well in last December's Iraqi elections have been busy institutionalizing an intolerant Islamist order in the parts of Iraq they control.

Administration principals speak of creating public space for dissent and debate lest it all be driven into the mosque, with the risk that this "might" bring illiberal groups into power. The tide of public opinion today is not running in favor of pro-Western secular liberals, however, but rather the Islamists. In many Arab countries this means that premature democratic elections will most definitely and predictably bring the mosque into the public square while driving out all other forms of expression. The tolerant are making democratic way for the intolerant, who in turn are very likely to block the possibility of any reverse flow of authority. How such dynamics promote liberal democracy in the longer run is hard to see. More likely, U.S. policies that foster pro-Islamist outcomes will delay political liberalization, help the wrong parties in the great debates ongoing in Muslim societies and, quite possibly therefore, make our terrorist problem worse.

We need to change tactics in the way we go about supporting Middle Eastern democracy. The administration's highly visible embrace of democracy promotion as a component of its national security strategy (as outlined in last week's official document on the subject), and its telegraphing ahead of time of intentions to bring about regime change in places like Iran, only hurt the cause of real democrats in the region. The effort to push countries toward early national elections, given the rising Islamist tide today, will invariably force us into the appearance of further hypocrisy when they produce results we don't like. There are many other democratic institutions we can help foster, such as local elections or non-extremist civil society groups. Moves afoot in Congress to channel democracy support through the State Department are well-intentioned but counterproductive: The last thing that democracy activists need right now is more American fingerprints on outside funding. Private foundations and groups with some distance from the administration like the NED or private NGOs will have better luck disbursing money than U.S. agencies. There are many quiet ways we can and should support democratic groups in the region, by working, for example, with other countries that have recently undergone democratic transitions that may have greater credibility than Washington.

In a weird twist, despite its emphasis on democracy in Iraq, the administration would have let funding for long-term democracy promotion through groups like the National Democratic Institute and the International Republican Institute lapse but for a last minute congressional earmark. We are pushing too hard in the wrong places, and not hard enough in the one place where it matters most.

We should not even think about wanting to roll back recent election results; rather, the emphasis should be on pressuring newly empowered groups to govern responsibly. Islamist parties in Egypt and Palestine have gained popularity in large measure not because of their foreign policy views, but because of their stress on domestic social welfare issues like education, health, and jobs, and their stand against corruption. Fine, let them deliver; and if they don't or turn out to be corrupt themselves, they will face vulnerabilities of their own not far down the road.

Democracy promotion should remain an integral part of American foreign policy, but it should not be seen as a principal means of fighting terrorism. We should stigmatize and fight radical Islamism as if the social and political dysfunction of the Arab world did not exist, and we should shrewdly, quietly, patiently and with as many allies as possible promote the amelioration of that dysfunction as if the terrorist problem did not exist. It is when we mix these two issues together that we muddle our understanding of both, with the result that we neither defeat terrorism nor promote democracy but rather the reverse.

Francis Fukuyama is professor at Johns Hopkins and author of America at the Crossroads: Democracy, Power, and the Neoconservative Legacy, published this month by Yale. Adam Garfinkle is editor of the American Interest.

Copyright © Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved.


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Sunday, March 26, 2006

Huey Freeman: Speechless?

My favorite black revolutionary, Huey Freeman, goes on a 6-month hiatus as today's "Boondocks" will be the last episode. Huey, Riley, Caesar, Granddad, Jazmine, and Ruckus will remain in the ink bottle while Aaron McGruder recharges his batteries. Juggling a daily comic strip and an animated version of the strip on TV took its toll on McGruder. I don't know how the guys who draw these "pitchers" can do it for years on end. "Calvin and Hobbes" creator, Bill Waterson, drew his wonderful characters for ten years before walking away from that strip. Garry Trudeau drew "Doonesbury" as a feature in the campus newspaper at Yale for two years (1968-1970). After graduating, he launched "Doonesbury" as a syndicated strip in 1970. In January 1983, Trudeau began a 22-month hiatus and resumed the strip in October 1984. So, I look forward to Huey's return. If this is (fair & balanced) guarded optimism, so be it.

Click on the image to enlarge the final "Boondocks" until 2007.



Copyright © 2006 Aaron McGruder


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Thursday, March 23, 2006

Don't Get Even, Get Mad!

Howard Beale got it right: "I'm mad as hell and I'm not going to take it anymore!" If this is (fair & balanced) white rage, so be it.

[x TNR]
The Upside of Anger
By The Editors

It's early in the morning, and you intend to smell the roses. But where are the roses? You've already read about a squelched government scientist, the sad demise of consumer protection, and several previously undiscovered Bush administration methods for ticking you off. Fortunately, none of this has trampled your ebullient mood, let alone inspired you to march against the White House or join a local revolutionary cell. But then you turn to The Wall Street Journal's editorial page and read about yourself in newsprint. You find that your contempt for administration policy has earned you membership in a nefarious group--"the angry left." Because it's an incredibly annoying phrase that has begun to appear over and over, you realize that you've just been trapped by cunning enemies. The term now fits.

For many years, Republicans scored political points by merely describing their opponents as liberals. But, apparently, the old epithet has lost some of its shock value, and the new term of abuse is "angry." Call it the Howard Beale smear. Last month, Republican National Committee Chairman Ken Mehlman exclaimed, "Hillary Clinton seems to have a lot of anger. ... When you think of the level of anger, I'm not sure it's what Americans want." While Mehlman may have concocted this strategy for tarring Clinton, he was merely repeating a GOP trope. During the 2000 primary campaign, the Bushies whispered loudly about John McCain's rage. In the last election cycle, Republican propagandists slapped the same tag on nearly every one of their opponents--from Nancy Pelosi to the demure South Dakota Senator Tim Johnson. They cut an ad against Howard Dean titled "When Angry Democrats Attack."

This description of Clinton, however, merits special scrutiny. Anyone who has watched her knows that paroxysms of bile--expressions of strong feeling of any kind--are hardly her thing. She willingly appears on daises with Newt Gingrich, who helped kill her beloved health care plan and tried to do the same to her husband's career. There's not a hint of fire in her speeches. Instead, her demeanor rather eerily resembles the statue of her that Madame Tussaud's recently unveiled. If Hillary Clinton is angry, then there is no anger in the land.

To be fair, not all Democrats are as affectless and disciplined as Clinton. Dean really is angry, as are demagogues like Michael Moore and Cindy Sheehan. But the problem with the Moores and the Sheehans is not that they're angry; it's that they're wrong. The Republicans have substituted a temperamental category for an ideological one. When they fail to demonstrate a philosophical failing, they try to demonstrate a human failing.

That's the true damage extracted by this Republican attack. They have defined anger down. A good, honest emotion has been trashed in pursuit of cheap political points. But what is so awful about anger? There are times, after all, when certain policies--some of them implemented by this president--demand precisely an irate response. Any other reaction might suggest a cognitive mistake, as if you do not understand what is taking place.

For all their touching concern with political anger, Republicans have been known to display it on occasion. Indeed, for decades now, they have profited from the politics of resentment. Bush himself has been known to show flashes of anger, as when an aide's cell phone rings in a meeting. And Republicans hardly showed displeasure when Zell Miller went red in the face and delivered one of the most wrathful convention speeches in recent history, going after John Kerry with a rage that suggested an almost physical animus and then--when challenged by Chris Matthews--proposing a duel. Far from recoiling in horror at Miller's surrender to uncontrollable emotion, Republicans celebrated him. So anger in American politics is not the GOP's true concern. Their goal is to lump together those who are angry with Bush for sound reasons with those who are angry with Bush for unsound reasons, defining the opposition to him as a kind of derangement.

There are also obvious commercial reasons for conservative commentators to expend so much energy denouncing anger. Rage, after all, is an essential part of the Fox News ethos, where Bill O'Reilly makes Howard Beale look like Dag Hammarskjöld. Pretty clearly, these conservative commentators will denounce Democrats as angry, because that will make their audiences angry, generating even larger angry audiences. And you know what that makes us.

The Editors

Editor-In-Chief Martin Peretz, Editor Franklin Foer. Literary Editor Leon Wieseltier, Executive Editor J. Peter Scoblic, Managing Editor Jeremy Kahn, Deputy Editors Richard Just, Katherine Marsh, and Editor-At-Large Peter Beinart

Copyright © 2006, The New Republic


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Wednesday, March 22, 2006

Without Sarcasm, I Wouldn't Have A Personality

The question(s) of the day: What makes a conservative person? What makes a liberal person? Do whiny, insecure kids grow to become doctrinaire conservatives? Do confident, self-reliant kids grow to become liberals who are tolerant of change? The jury is still out. If this is (fair & balanced) tea leaf reading, so be it.

[x Toronto Star]
How to spot a baby conservative
By Kurt Kleiner

Remember the whiny, insecure kid in nursery school, the one who always thought everyone was out to get him, and was always running to the teacher with complaints? Chances are he grew up to be a conservative.

At least, he did if he was one of 95 kids from the Berkeley area that social scientists have been tracking for the last 20 years. The confident, resilient, self-reliant kids mostly grew up to be liberals.

The study from the Journal of Research Into Personality isn't going to make the UC Berkeley professor who published it any friends on the right. Similar conclusions a few years ago from another academic saw him excoriated on right-wing blogs, and even led to a Congressional investigation into his research funding.

But the new results are worth a look. In the 1960s Jack Block and his wife and fellow professor Jeanne Block (now deceased) began tracking more than 100 nursery school kids as part of a general study of personality. The kids' personalities were rated at the time by teachers and assistants who had known them for months. There's no reason to think political bias skewed the ratings — the investigators were not looking at political orientation back then. Even if they had been, it's unlikely that 3- and 4-year-olds would have had much idea about their political leanings.

A few decades later, Block followed up with more surveys, looking again at personality, and this time at politics, too. The whiny kids tended to grow up conservative, and turned into rigid young adults who hewed closely to traditional gender roles and were uncomfortable with ambiguity.

The confident kids turned out liberal and were still hanging loose, turning into bright, non-conforming adults with wide interests. The girls were still outgoing, but the young men tended to turn a little introspective.

Block admits in his paper that liberal Berkeley is not representative of the whole country. But within his sample, he says, the results hold. He reasons that insecure kids look for the reassurance provided by tradition and authority, and find it in conservative politics. The more confident kids are eager to explore alternatives to the way things are, and find liberal politics more congenial.

In a society that values self-confidence and out-goingness, it's a mostly flattering picture for liberals. It also runs contrary to the American stereotype of wimpy liberals and strong conservatives.

Of course, if you're studying the psychology of politics, you shouldn't be surprised to get a political reaction. Similar work by John T. Jost of Stanford and colleagues in 2003 drew a political backlash. The researchers reviewed 44 years worth of studies into the psychology of conservatism, and concluded that people who are dogmatic, fearful, intolerant of ambiguity and uncertainty, and who crave order and structure are more likely to gravitate to conservatism. Critics branded it the "conservatives are crazy" study and accused the authors of a political bias.

Jost welcomed the new study, saying it lends support to his conclusions. But Jeff Greenberg, a social psychologist at the University of Arizona who was critical of Jost's study, was less impressed.

"I found it to be biased, shoddy work, poor science at best," he said of the Block study. He thinks insecure, defensive, rigid people can as easily gravitate to left-wing ideologies as right-wing ones. He suspects that in Communist China, those kinds of people would likely become fervid party members.

The results do raise some obvious questions. Are nursery school teachers in the conservative heartland cursed with classes filled with little proto-conservative whiners?

Or does an insecure little boy raised in Idaho or Alberta surrounded by conservatives turn instead to liberalism?

Or do the whiny kids grow up conservative along with the majority of their more confident peers, while only the kids with poor impulse control turn liberal?

Part of the answer is that personality is not the only factor that determines political leanings. For instance, there was a .27 correlation between being self-reliant in nursery school and being a liberal as an adult. Another way of saying it is that self-reliance predicts statistically about 7 per cent of the variance between kids who became liberal and those who became conservative. (If every self-reliant kid became a liberal and none became conservatives, it would predict 100 per cent of the variance). Seven per cent is fairly strong for social science, but it still leaves an awful lot of room for other influences, such as friends, family, education, personal experience and plain old intellect.

For conservatives whose feelings are still hurt, there is a more flattering way for them to look at the results. Even if they really did tend to be insecure complainers as kids, they might simply have recognized that the world is a scary, unfair place.

Their grown-up conclusion that the safest thing is to stick to tradition could well be the right one. As for their "rigidity," maybe that's just moral certainty.

The grown-up liberal men, on the other hand, with their introspection and recognition of complexity in the world, could be seen as self-indulgent and ineffectual.

Whether anyone's feelings are hurt or not, the work suggests that personality and emotions play a bigger role in our political leanings than we think. All of us, liberal or conservative, feel as though we've reached our political opinions by carefully weighing the evidence and exercising our best judgment. But it could be that all of that careful reasoning is just after-the-fact self-justification. What if personality forms our political outlook, with reason coming along behind, rationalizing after the fact?

It could be that whom we vote for has less to do with our judgments about tax policy or free trade or health care, and more with the personalities we've been stuck with since we were kids.

Kurt Kleiner is a Toronto-based freelance science writer.

Copyright © 2006 The Toronto Star


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Tuesday, March 21, 2006

Stupid Is As Stupid Does

Dub can run, but he can't hide. His hubris is killing thousands of people in Iraq (combatants and civilians). Dub is gambling that Iraq is going to become a democracy. He prattles about liberty and freedom without a clue as to what or how those words have any meaning in a tribal country that is riven with ethnic/religious hatreds. If this is a (fair & balanced) national tragedy, so be it.

[x AJC]
"Staying the course" to tragedy: President's failure in Iraq is a consequence of arrogance
By Jay Bookman

The word most often volunteered by Americans to describe President Bush is "incompetent," according to a new poll by the Pew Research Center.

Now, if you're looking for someone to disagree with that assessment, you're looking in the wrong place. But the more interesting question is not whether this administration has been incompetent — that's pretty much settled — but why.

Some Americans attribute the problem to intelligence, and they don't mean the kind of intelligence that the CIA produces. In the Pew poll, the third most commonly volunteered description of Bush is "idiot." On that, I disagree.

Jokes and snark aside, the president is far from a stupid man. Nor are Vice President Dick Cheney and Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, two men whom historians will finger as the prime movers behind the decision to invade Iraq, and the prime culprits in its incompetent execution.

So why have smart, experienced people done such stupid things? There are many reasons, but the most important may be a tragic mismatch between the type of struggle in which we find ourselves and the type of leadership exerted by the Bush administration.

In uncertain times, people gravitate toward leaders who exude certainty and conviction, traits that the Bush administration works hard to demonstrate. Never was that display more vivid than in the president's memorable appearance on the flight deck of the USS Abraham Lincoln, with the "Mission Accomplished" banner stretched behind him.

As we've learned since then, though, we face an enemy in Iraq and elsewhere that is difficult to find and hard to kill. It is constantly adapting, constantly shifting targets, locations, identities and tactics. We possess the most powerful military in the history of the world, but against an enemy of this sort its usefulness is limited.

Instead, defeating such an enemy requires flexibility and agility, an eagerness to learn and a willingness to adapt as quickly if not more quickly than those who oppose us. It requires leadership willing to look at the situation with eyes unclouded by ideology, ready to admit mistakes quickly and try something else.

An administration that refuses to learn, that already knows the answer and sees virtue in its refusal to adjust course, cannot win that kind of war.

And unfortunately, examples of such stubbornness are all too easy to recount. For weeks after the fall of Baghdad, U.S. troops stood by without orders while looters stripped the country. "Freedom is untidy," Rumsfeld said in dismissing the problem, and by the time we realized that "untidiness" represented a serious threat, Iraq had lost of much of its infrastructure and a lot of its faith in America.

For many long months thereafter, officials in Washington also refused to acknowledge to the American public or even to themselves that a home-grown guerrilla insurgency was taking root. By the time that realization was allowed to penetrate the bubble in Washington, the insurgency was too well established to uproot.

In a memo leaked back in October 2003, Rumsfeld bewailed the Pentagon's inability to respond to an enemy that could adapt so quickly and so cheaply. "The cost-benefit ratio is against us!" Rumsfeld wrote. "Our cost is billions against the terrorists' costs of millions."

A recent Associated Press analysis provides a stark illustration of the problem. Since 2004, the U.S. military has budgeted $6.1 billion — about what the Manhattan Project in World War II cost, after accounting for inflation — simply trying to figure out how to defend against improvised explosive devices in Iraq. And every time we make progress, the enemy has quickly improvised a cheap way to thwart us.

And now, of course, we find ourselves confronted by an insurgency mutating into a bitter civil war, a change for which no good response may be possible. That struggle is being fought at such a personal level among Iraqis that U.S. troops have no way to intervene or even know what's going on. Busloads of dead Iraqis seem to show up almost daily now in downtown Baghdad, with no sign of where they came from or who killed them.

If that continues and expands, it's hard to see a further role for U.S. troops. Iraq's fate will then be determined by a nasty, violent struggle among local militias that would take years to resolve itself.

After three years of struggle, that is a terrible, heartbreaking prospect. But some mistakes you just can't fix.

Jay Bookman is the deputy editorial page editor of The Atlanta Journal-Constitution.

Copyright © 2006 The Atlanta Journal-Constitution


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Dumbos Hate Me And I Welcome Their Hatred!

Tom Tomorrow's 'toon ("This Modern World") speaks for me. I live here in Geezerville among Dumbo (Republican elephant) true believers. They probably viewed Dub's press conference today and thought the frat boy did just fine. Stupid sumbitch hemmed and hawed and bullshitted his way through an hour by halting follow up questions/comments with a constant "Let me finish" and the sumbitch never did answer a single question. Dub called on Helen Thomas today for the first time in any of his infrequent press conferences and the ol' gal hit Dub right between the eyes. She accused him of coming into the White House seeking a war in Iraq. Dub denied her assertion but didn't allow her to follow up by using the "Let me finish" ploy until she quit trying and he went on to another questioner. Overall, Dub rated a failing grade as a communicator. If this is (fair & balanced) truth to power, so be it.


Click on the image to enlarge it.
Copyright © Tom Tomorrow and Salon Media Group



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Monday, March 20, 2006

Self-Promoting

The Collegium Excellens had a faculty rank system that ran from Instructor to Professor. I was hired with a doctorate in hand and was assigned the rank of Assistant Professor. Over the next eight years, I was promoted to Associate Professor and then Professor. I remain convinced to this day that the wacko president at the time of my promotion to Professor slumped face foward at his desk. HIs secretary checked on the now-dead president because calls were going unanswered when transferred to his phone. The EMT responders lifted the dead prexy's face off my promotion file when they were moving the body. An interim president approved my promotion because a furor (caused by rejected me) would have been unseemly in the mourning period.

In my day, the promotion system began with a department chair's recommendation, the dean's and the president's concurrence, and approval by the (elected) Board of Regents. Sometime in the 1990s, the rank system changed from that decades-old format to a portfolio/faculty committee system. Each candidate for promotion presents a scrapbook of stuff that purports to give evaluative substance for the review of a Collegium-wide committee. That crowd recommends (or doesn't recommend) the candidate to the dean and then to the president and on to the Board of Regents. Department chairs were removed from the process in the name of "reform" that gave the appearance of faculty participation in governance. However, the chair of the Faculty Rank Committee always cleared recommendations with the dean prior to notifying the candidate of the committee's decision. The system was no different than its predecessor. A lot of sound and fury, signifying nothing. If this is (fair & balanced) folly, so be it.


[x CHE]
Worthy of the Rank?
By Carlton Myers

At four-year colleges and universities, promotion to full professor seems pretty straightforward. You need an established record of scholarship, teaching, and service to the institution and the community.

Sure, some promotions run into trouble as a result of personality conflicts, political feuds, or technical disputes. But faculty members at four-year institutions all start on a level playing field in at least one respect: Because a Ph.D. is a requirement for being hired in the first place, all applicants for promotion can claim that achievement.

That's not the case for faculty members at community colleges. We are a tremendously varied breed, as is reflected in our academic pedigrees.

Applicants for our faculty positions in the arts and sciences are required to have academic degrees, but no such degrees are required in many nonacademic fields in which we offer courses, like welding. Hiring practices for nonacademic faculty members tend to reward job experience -- if you're going to teach someone to drive a tractor-trailer, you probably ought to have considerable experience doing it yourself.


Even in traditional academic disciplines in the arts and sciences, the hiring criteria at two-year colleges may only require candidates to have a master's degree, so some of us who teach those subjects have Ph.D.'s, and some do not. I myself teach in the sciences and have a master's degree and lots of additional graduate credits but no Ph.D.

All of which has the potential to complicate promotion issues for community-college faculty members.

My two-year college recently went through a battle on that front. It began with the best of intentions: We wanted to find, or forge, a pathway to promote different types of faculty members to full professorship. Along the way, I saw friendly, respectful colleagues become bitter adversaries, and I saw otherwise nonconfrontational people take sides in an argument that never needed to become an argument.

We're a small college, with fewer than 100 full-time faculty members. We teach a wide array of courses, from truck driving to nursing to philosophy, which means we need a diverse set of faculty members. Usually we're a pretty amicable group. We vigorously discuss issues in the faculty senate, but typically end up with clear, sometimes overwhelming, majorities on any issue.

What emerged during the debate over full professorship, however, was a degree of mutual disrespect and tension that I never knew existed. The crux of the conflict was driven by a group of faculty members with Ph.D.'s and Ed.D.'s who tried very hard to convince the rest of us that people who don't hold a doctorate aren't worthy of the highest professorial rank.

They argued that it takes far more work to achieve a doctorate than to get any other kind of qualification, and that it doesn't matter how long you've been a practicing nurse or welder; without a Ph.D., you're never going to have the same kind of academic experience -- and therefore the academic qualification -- to merit the title of full professor.

The blatant lack of respect for faculty members with nonacademic qualifications left a bad taste in my mouth and really changed how I perceived some of my colleagues.

At one point it was proposed that we pick a general number of academic credit hours needed to earn a doctorate. Then, since nonacademic faculty members accrue education and experience by attending workshops, seminars, and conferences rather than academic courses, we tried to find a way to translate "continuing education units," "continuing professional education credits," and a host of other nonacademic but professionally valuable experiences into the equivalent of academic credit hours.

It was a fruitless exercise. Some continuing-education programs are accredited; others are not. Some require an examination; some don't. And we completely dodged the issue that not all academic credit hours are the same -- taking classes for graded credit is not the same learning experience as the hours spent doing research for a thesis or dissertation.

We were trying to fit a hamburger into a hot-dog bun, and all but the blindest of us were able to see that it wasn't going to work.

Some of the Ph.D.'s attempted to hide their disrespect for their degree-lacking colleagues, while other Ph.D.'s were openly dismissive. One of our academic faculty members, in an e-mail message to the rest of us, said that while he really respected and enjoyed working with all of us, the Ph.D. really made him an expert and a scholar, and that you just couldn't be as good a professor without the degree. The message smacked of elitism and pre-civil-rights-era logic: We're all equal, but some of us are more equal than others.

In another e-mail message, a second faculty member questioned the validity of having faculty members vote on the full-professorship issue. "Will this," he mused, "come down to the haves versus the have-nots?" I won't even describe the firestorm that that touched off.

Throughout the debate, the Ph.D.'s failed to recognize that excluding certain faculty members from promotion to full professor becomes a pay issue, and therefore a retention issue. Since salaries are linked to rank, faculty members without doctorates hit a glass ceiling. What incentive do they have to stay with the college? When I raised that issue with one of the Ph.D.'s, her reply was that people without doctorates would certainly have problems finding other jobs -- as though they worked at our college as a last resort.

What disappointed me most, however, wasn't the respect issue or the pay issue. It was that at no time during the debate did I hear anyone link promotion with excellence in teaching.

We can all agree that earning a Ph.D. makes someone an acknowledged expert in their discipline. I've heard it said that on the day of your doctoral defense, you know more about your research topic than anyone else in academe. That's probably true.

But we are a teaching institution, and you'll never convince me that having a doctorate makes you a better teacher. It may make you a better scholar, but it does not automatically confer excellence in the classroom.

Our faculty senate did, in the end, agree to amend the advancement policy to allow promotion to full professor without a doctorate. It was a close vote -- as close to an even split as any vote I've seen in the senate before -- and I suspect that it may have come down, in the words of my tactless colleague, to the haves and the have-nots voting against one another.

The issue, at least for now, appears settled, and I think it was a good decision for the college. Academe is very feudal in its mindset, but we don't need, and shouldn't want, a class of disgruntled serfs.

So how will the new policy affect me? I'm not a nonacademic faculty member or a Ph.D. I'm in a third group of people who got lost in the debate -- faculty members who teach in the arts and sciences but only have a master's. I have a modest record of peer-reviewed research publications and, by all accounts, I'm a good teacher.

The new policy benefits me: I was not eligible for full professorship before the change, and I am now. I'm happy about that.

However, I'm more conflicted now about my place in the college, and about my standing among my peers. The Ph.D.'s will tell me, to my face, that they think I do a good job and that they respect me. But what do they really think?

I suspect I know the answer, at least in part. After the vote, I told one of my colleagues that I thought the faculty senate had done the right thing and mentioned how glad I was that I would have the chance to advance to the highest professorial rank some day. My colleague looked startled and asked in an incredulous tone, "So now you think you're eligible?"

That may not be the majority view on our faculty, but now I know it's out there. So I've been keeping my eyes open at faculty discussions, making sure that if I contribute, I have evidence to support my statements. I examine my colleagues' motives when they speak, and I'm more sensitive to politics at the institution.

And I'm keeping an eye out for other job openings. I like academe. I like my subject matter. I love the freedom to think about things, and, most of all, I love teaching college students. I genuinely like and respect most of my colleagues.

I'm just not so sure they feel the same way about me.

Carlton Myers is the pseudonym of a faculty member in the sciences at a small community college.

Copyright © 2006 by The Chronicle of Higher Education


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Sunday, March 19, 2006

Another Voice Heard For Impeachment

In a far more subtle manner than the meat axe approach of this blog, "Doonesbury" offered another prop for impeaching Dub. The litany of his offenses (or those committed by his minions) is staggering and the killing goes on in that small part of Hell known as Iraq. Censure is nothing to this guy. Impeach Dub! If this is (fair & balanced) prosecution, so be it.

Click on the image to enlarge.

Copyright © 2006 Garry Trudeau


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Saturday, March 18, 2006

Correction: Milosevic Didn't Take The Easy Way Out

On week ago, I ranted that Slobodan Milosevic had taken his own life. Nonetheless, the Butcher of Belgrade is where he belongs (See below). Sapper's (Fair & Balanced) Rants & Raves regrets the error, but not the chortling. If this is (fair & balanced) faux contrition, so be it.

Click on image to enlarge it.

Copyright © 2006 Scott Stantis/The Birmingham News


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Ouch! The Truth Hurts!

I collect Social Security benefits now. I really don't need them. My health care insuror is happy to the nth degree to pass the costs of my medical bills to the federal government. However, don't tell most geezers that they are the problem, not the solution. Most of 'em will drop to all fours and start gumming away at your ankles with their puckered mouths. This is an idea whose time has come. Eliminate the age as a standard of fitness beginning RIGHT NOW. Of course, those who are 65 (or older), like me, would not be affected by this change. If this is (fair & balanced) hypocrisy, so be it.

[x Slate]
Bygone Age: Old age is changing. So should Social Security.
By William Saletan

The bad news is, we're living longer.

Don't get me wrong. I hope you have a long and happy life. I just hope your kids don't end up paying one-fifth to one-third of their incomes to subsidize your retirement and mine. Because that's what awaits them: more and more boomers living to age 65 and beyond, perfectly healthy but collecting checks for decades. To head this off, we need a radical change in Social Security. I'm not talking about privatization. I'm talking about rethinking, and possibly abolishing, the whole idea of payments based on age.

The problem is grimly detailed in "65+ in the United States," a report released last week by the U.S. Census Bureau. Five years from now, the boomers will start hitting age 65. By 2030, we'll have more than twice as many old people as we did three years ago. As a percentage of the population, this increase is enormous. In 1935, when Social Security was established, about 6 percent of Americans were 65 or older. Since then, the percentage has doubled. By 2030, it will have tripled. Not only are more people reaching 65—they're living well beyond it. In 1900, an American who made it to 65 could expect fewer than 12 additional years. By 1960, he could expect more than 14 years. By 1980, remaining life expectancy at 65 reached 16 years. By 2000, it was 18 years.

If you thought this week's budget fights over Iraq and Katrina were bad, wait till you see the blood bath over retirement benefits. Hurricanes come and go. Iraq can be abandoned. But the debt to retirees increases every decade, and they're a lot harder to abandon. Their clout grows, perversely, in proportion to the burden they impose. In 1945, for every Social Security beneficiary, we had 42 workers paying in. By 2002, we had just 3.3 workers per beneficiary. By 2030, we'll have only 2.2 workers per beneficiary. To keep the system afloat for the next seven decades, its trustees say the Social Security tax rate will have to reach 19 percent. And if life expectancy keeps rising over that period, academics project a tax rate of 27 to 32 percent.

Now for the good news. We're not just living longer; we're staying healthy longer. From 1982 to 1999, the percentage of senior citizens who had chronic disabilities dropped from 26 percent to less than 20. Active-life expectancy at age 65—the average number of additional years a person could expect to live free of chronic functional impairment—rose from fewer than 12 years to nearly 14. That's a five-year gain from the 8.8 years of active life that a 65-year-old could expect in 1935, according to Dr. Kenneth Manton, a leading scholar of old-age disability. Men now get arthritis, heart disease, or respiratory disease a decade later in life than their forebears did. The experience of being 65 to 74 has changed so radically that the Census Bureau now calls this group the "young old."

So, all these young old folks are working longer, right? Wrong. In 1950, more than 45 percent of men 65 or older were still in the labor force. By 2003, that percentage had plunged below 20. Five years ago, a study showed that men and women were retiring five and six years earlier, respectively, than their predecessors did 45 years before. Why? Because they could. Pensions helped, but the bigger factor was Social Security. By 2001, the program was supporting 91 percent of people aged 65 or older. It provided nearly 40 percent of their income—equal to what they got from earnings and assets, and more than twice what they got from pensions. A study quoted in the census report documents the effect on work. When Social Security payments went up, men 65 and older quit the labor force at an accelerating pace. When payments were reined in, the trend reversed.

It's wonderful that Social Security brought so many old people out of poverty. But the point was to subsidize those who couldn't work, not those who could. The program's founding document said it would support old people who were "dependent," "beyond the productive period," and "without means of self-support." In 1935, that described people around age 65. Today, it more accurately describes people a decade older. The intuitive remedy is to raise the retirement age well beyond the measly increases currently scheduled. Last year, Manton calculated that if you were designing a system in 1999 for people who could expect as many active years as a 65-year-old person could expect in 1935, you'd set the retirement age at 70. And by 2015, you'd raise it to 73.

There are four obvious problems with this proposal. The first is that if we ask the young old to keep working, somebody's going to have to hire or retain them. This won't be easy. We all know that age discrimination is rampant in our economy and our culture. But we've seen this problem before, and we've shown it can be dealt with. As the census report notes, the 1967 Age Discrimination in Employment Act and subsequent related legislation raised the employment rate among older workers.

The second objection is that some jobs are too strenuous for a 65-year-old. But American jobs have become far less strenuous since 1935. One study shows that the percentage of Americans working in physically demanding jobs—defined as jobs "requiring frequent lifting or carrying of objects weighing more than 25 pounds"—declined from more than 20 percent in 1950 to less than 8 percent in 1996. Another study indicates that from 1992 to 2002, among 55- to 60-year-old workers who said their jobs always required physical effort, the percentage claiming to be in fair or poor health fell from 17 to 11 percent.

The third objection is that people don't age at the same rate. That's true. But it's not an argument for a low benefits-eligibility age. It's an argument for ending the link between age and benefits. Social Security actually consists of three programs. One pays benefits based on age; another pays you if you lose your spouse; a third pays you if you become disabled. As of 2002, 70 percent of the money paid out was based on age; only 15 percent was based on disability. That's insane. Inequality of aging means that age is a bad proxy for disability, which is a good proxy for need. If you turn 65 on the same day as your neighbor, but she's disabled and you aren't, we should pay her, not you.

Abolishing age as a standard of fitness would be fairer than simply raising the eligibility age. We've already taken steps in this direction. In 1983, when critics complained that raising the retirement age would abandon people who could no longer physically handle their jobs, a Social Security reform commission pointed out that the program's disability benefits would fill in the gap. And in 1986, Congress removed the upper age limit on people protected by the Age Discrimination in Employment Act. If you're healthy enough to do the job, age doesn't matter.

The final objection to both proposals is that Social Security is a trust fund; you made your deposits, and you're entitled to your withdrawals. But if you think the reason you'll live longer than your grandparents is that you're a better person, think again. Programs such as the ones Congress debated this week—Medicare, public sanitation, and biomedical research—bought you longer life and better health. Maybe, instead of asking what your country owes you at 65, you should ask what you owe your country.

William Saletan is Slate's national correspondent and author of Bearing Right: How Conservatives Won the Abortion War.

Copyright © 2006 Washingtonpost.Newsweek Interactive Co. LLC


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The REAL Impact Of Student Evaluations

Ah, yes. Student evaluations and grade inflation make for strange bedfellows, but such in life in the groves of academe. As a laborer in that vineyard, I faced the biennial insidious ritual of callow freshmen and sophomores evaluating my work. Was I a nice guy? No. Did I understand student problems (lack of attendance or poor performance)? No. Read "understand" in the last query to mean did I give students a pass because they had to work or had children? Again, the answer is No. Suffice it to say that I was ripped every two years in the last two decades of my sentence of hard labor at the Collegium Excellens. My response to this horror show was to drive all of the slackers and laggards to drop the course. They retired with honor under a grade of Withdrawn (W). That grade was non-punitive and did no harm to a student's GPA. My colleagues (not a very collegial bunch) dispensed failing grades (F) to all of the slackers and laggards who stopped attending their classes. This F-by-default strategy lowered the class GPAs for all teachers except me. Throughout this nightmarish era, I led the way in class GPA. Was I Professor Goodgrade? No, I taught the remnant without Ws how to succeed in a college course and sent them on their way. Why, then, did I receive the lowest evaluation results in the department? I didn't allow excessive absence — school-sponsored travel counted as an absence — with a generous dispensation of a allowing a week's absence without penalty. I didn't forbear the undergraduate predilection for gimme caps; no hats in class. I forbade active cell phones. The list of my pet peeves went to some length. All of the above were indicators that I didn't "understand" student problems. If this is (fair & balanced) misanthropy, so be it.

[x CHE]
Professor Goodgrade: Or how I learned to stop worrying and give lots of A's
By Louise Churchill

This fall I gave my students grades for the first time. Of course, my students have received grades from me before, but I was always of the philosophy that those grades should be the ones they had earned.

This semester, that changed. I began giving A's like gifts. Why? I need to get tenure.

At my midtenure review, I performed excellently in all areas but one—the computerized scores calculated from student evaluations of my teaching. Despite my solid scholarship, a wide range of academic service, great rapport with colleagues, and, most significantly, many strong written testimonials from students praising my teaching, I was warned that my computer scores needed to rise significantly in order for me to be sure of tenure at my small college.

On the written evaluations, students attest that my high standards, impressive expertise, and challenging assignments mean that they learn a great deal in my class. Many students express gratitude for that.

I admit there's always a bit of discontent from students who don't respond to my teaching style or, perhaps, find me cranky. For years I have felt that comments like "She grades too hard!" or "Does anyone ever get an A in this class?" were badges of honor.

I've abandoned that dubious source of pride. I need to get tenure.

I'm not terribly ambitious. I could die happy without ever publishing a book. Producing an occasional article or essay suits me fine, and is enough to meet the standards for tenure at my small teaching institution. I teach four courses a semester, including some of the first-year composition courses.

I was more than happy to land my job after many frustrating years on the market, interviewing at research universities, trade schools, community colleges, you name it. I love teaching. And I am good at it. I have evidence of student progress at the end of every semester in the form of their papers (and believe me, I included samples in my midtenure file). But the computerized evaluations seem to trump all that.

Back in graduate school, I taught at least one course every semester. My mentors then paid little attention to the computerized evaluations we were obliged to have students complete, and focused instead on visiting my classroom, and evaluating my written assignments and the student work that resulted from them, as well as the students' written feedback on my teaching. I had some up and down semesters then and didn't always know how to respond to unmotivated or otherwise problematic students. I occasionally let aggressive students intimidate me, but over the years I have gained confidence and a sense of humor, which I guess translates into an ease with my authority that I did not have as a graduate student.

At my first academic job, a temporary position, my advisers and colleagues were instrumental in helping me hone my grading skills. We met in small teaching groups to talk about assessment, and I felt more and more confident that the standards I was applying conformed with theirs. Here, too, my advisers put little credence in computerized evaluations, and I got the impression that my scores were high enough to satisfy the powers that be.

Not anymore. The head of the department where I now teach was the first of my mentors to pay close attention to my teaching scores (perhaps due to pressure from above). She has been very supportive of my career and is someone I truly admire, but in my first few years on the job, she would pore over my numbers and look puzzled during our end-of-the-year reviews. She had observed me in the classroom and had heard praise about my teaching from students, so she had trouble meshing all of that with my scores, which are generally slightly below our institutional average.

I have found it disconcerting when she methodically reviews my scores and notes areas for improvement. It all seems rather abstract.

As always, I have turned to the written evaluations for clues. What has turned up over and over are comments from students accusing me of what I will characterize as crankiness (I could have chosen another word that begins with a b, though no student has actually written that word on my evaluations), and complaints about my high standards for grading.

So I've made a concerted effort to be nicer, smile more, and connect with students personally. As a somewhat introverted person with up to 100 students a semester, that has been a bit challenging but rewarding. I've always liked getting to know students, but in my previous work at large universities there was little chance of knowing them for more than a semester. Here, I can develop relationships that last several years, and often have students from my first-year writing courses show up in my literature electives, many times by choice. (Note to self: Make a point of that in my future tenure file.)

The buck stops with the academic dean, an affable fellow whom no one I know can quite read. He, too, was very supportive at my midtenure review but expressed the same concerns about my evaluation scores and made clear that he wanted to see them improve by the time of my tenure review.

OK, now I suppose it's time to address the crankiness issue. When students don't do their work, I get impatient. When they disrupt class, I sometimes speak sharply to them and have been known to say things like, "This isn't high school." I am also a feminist, although I don't advertise that or hide it. I have read the articles about how student evaluations are skewed toward men and attractive people; I was cuter and thinner in graduate school than I am now (and I'm still female).

I subscribe to the theory that, for most people, outspokenness in a woman makes her a bitch, while that same quality makes a man a leader, and I am outspoken. Should I tone that down? Start wearing makeup? Smile even more?

Well, I have toned it down, a little, but I'm holding out on the makeup. I am older and mellower, and I am also a mother, which makes me perpetually tired and also more forgiving of errant behavior. When my father died recently, my department head urged me to share the news with my students. I hesitated but let them know one class at a time, as a way of explaining a certain distraction I was feeling that seemed to be affecting my teaching. They were sweet and sympathetic. They generally are.

After all of those efforts, my evaluation scores went up only a smidgen. The softer, cuddlier me wasn't enough. I had to do something drastic.

When I got the first batch of papers from a literature class I taught last fall, I was dismayed at the poor writing. In my composition courses, I require rough drafts and comment heavily on them so that students are able to make significant and, hopefully, productive revisions before receiving a grade on their final drafts. I have no such luxury in the literature surveys I teach because I need to cover a wide range of material in a single semester. So, what to do with a pile of papers full of shallow thinking and spattered with grammatical errors?

As I write this, I hear a nagging voice telling me I should have prepared them better for the paper. That is probably true, but I had had a particularly rough time with the class. It consisted primarily of nonmajors, students fulfilling their literature requirement who proudly say they don't enjoy reading. My other literature class and my two composition courses were going well, but I felt strongly the need to do well in all of my classes—that is, to perform well on the computerized evaluations.

I approached the pile of papers with a new attitude. I was only going to give A's and B's, except in extreme cases.

I gave a lot of B's on papers that should really have received some form of a C. I gave A's where in the past I would probably have given an A- or even a B+. I felt a little polluted, but I also felt the need to receive better marks myself on those cursed computerized forms. I need these students on my side. I need them to like me.

After I returned that set of papers, the class dynamic didn't seem to change, as it had in other years when I had handed back a slew of C's. It even seemed to improve, as if the whole class had breathed a collective sigh of relief. I took pains to apologize, in a humorous, self-deprecating way, for a cranky outburst I let escape on a day of numerous class disruptions. I empathized with their stress during midterms and in the weeks leading up to finals. And I padded their grades. I need to get tenure.

Will it work? I will know in a few months, when I receive those dreaded forms from the large corporation that tabulates them and nets over $30,000 a year from our small college alone.

Public educators bemoan having to teach to the test in order to prepare students for the ever-growing rash of standardized tests required by state and federal authorities. I feel I am teaching to the evaluation.

I do worry a bit that if my evaluation scores go up, someone may notice that the number of A's and B's I'm giving at semester's end has also gone up, but I don't think that will happen. I hear from students and other faculty members that grading standards are quite lax among a significant number of my colleagues, most of whom already have tenure. There are a lot of easy A's out there.

So why do I find it so hard to join in on this A fest?

I've lowered my standards. I still teach with the same rigor and enthusiasm and I still enjoy the material, but I don't hold students as accountable as I used to.

I need to get tenure.

Louise Churchill is the pseudonym of an assistant professor of English at a small college with an emphasis on preprofessional programs.

Copyright © 2006 by The Chronicle of Higher Education


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Saturday, March 11, 2006

Another One Bites The Dust!

The world is a better place today. The Serb Butcher (and War Criminal) Slobodan Milosevic took his own life in his prison cell in the Netherlands. May he burn in Hell.

Saddam Hussein should have been in the same cellblock, but Dub(ai) has an aversion to The World Court and anything else that his minions cannot control. The trial of the Butcher of Baghdad has disintegrated into a farce. It's another instance of Dub(ai)'s bungling. Dub(ai) had better grant himself a pardon and move somewhere that does not honor extradition to the Netherlands. Not only is he a candidate for impeachment, but he's a candidate for a war crimes trial. Torture. Rendition. Massive casualties among non-combatants in Iraq. Is this is (fair & balanced) anticipation, so be it.


[x The Guardian]
The making of a monster: Milosevic on trial

1941 Born in Pozarevac, near Belgrade.

1962 His father commits suicide.

1964 Graduates from University of Belgrade with law degree.

1965 Marries Mirjana Markovic, 'the Red Witch', his comrade in the Communist Youth. Two children.

1972 His mother commits suicide.

Early 1980s Works for gas company, then becomes director of the United Bank of Belgrade before moving into full-time politics.

1986 Becomes head of Serbian Communists, reinventing himself as a charismatic nationalist.

1989 Inspires Serb nationalist demonstrations, driving out elected leaders to become President of Serbia. Pledges to win back Kosovo, 'cradle' of Serb identity inhabited mainly by ethnic Albanians. Ends Kosovo's autonomy.

1991-1995 Bloody civil war leads to ethnic cleansing. Milosevic arms Serbs against other ethnic groups. Conflict starts in Croatia and Slovenia in 1991, spreads to Bosnia in 1992.

1995 The Croats drive Serbs from their self-declared 'Republic', Serbian Krajina. Milosevic abandons claims to a 'Greater Serbia' at the Dayton peace talks.

1996-1997 Survives mass protest to become President of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro).

1998 Initiates new conflict in Kosovo. Thousands of ethnic Albanians killed, 800,000 displaced.

1999 Nato bombs Serbia till Serbs agree to withdraw from Kosovo.

2000 Uprising in Belgrade deposes Milosevic.

2001 The new Serbian government hands Milosevic to the War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague. Charges against him include genocide.

2006 Slobodan Milosevic dies by his own hand in his prison cell.

Copyright © 2006 The Guardian


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Friday, March 10, 2006

Don't Send In The Marines! Send The Dickster?

Dub(ai) is tanking. Tom Friedman is on "Imus in the Morning" as I write this post. The I-Man has been calling for the rehabilitation of Saddam to bring order to chaos in the small bit of Hell known as Iraq. Now, Don Imus is considering Friedman's call for The Dickster to go to Baghdad. Things are looking worse and worse for the Bushies. The AP-Ipsos poll, released today, suggests that most people wonder whether Dub(ai) is up to the job. The survey, conducted Monday through Wednesday of 1,000 people, found that just 37 percent approve of Dub's overall performance. That is the lowest of his presidency. By comparison, Presidents Clinton and Reagan had public approval in the mid 60s at this stage of their second terms in office, while Eisenhower was close to 60 percent, according to Gallup polls. Nixon, who was increasingly tangled up in the Watergate scandal, was in the high 20s in early 1974. Sending The Dickster to Baghdad would be the last act of desperation. Can anyone spell "Impeachment," boys and girls? If this is (fair & balanced) gleeful anticipation, so be it.

[x NYTimes]
Mr. Nasty, Brutish and Short-Tempered
By Thomas L. Friedman

I have a job for Dick Cheney.

No, no, really. This is not another hunting joke. It's serious: Iraq is drifting aimlessly, if not toward civil war then toward a violent political stalemate. If Iraqis can't produce a minimally effective national unity government now, America can look forward to baby-sitting this violent stalemate far into the future.

If we want to avoid that, it's time for some dramatic new thinking and acting. To put it in a nutshell: It is not time for the U.S. to leave Iraq, but it is time for the U.S. to start threatening to leave Iraq.

When Iraq was just violent, but the political situation seemed to be stumbling forward, it was possible to believe that a decent outcome could still be achieved. But when Iraq is increasingly violent, with ethnic and religious rivals murdering one another and the politicians squabbling endlessly, there is no reason for optimism. U.S. forces in Iraq can't be held hostage by the notion that Iraqis may have a civil war if we leave. They are already having a little civil war, and if they are determined to have a big civil war, I prefer that they have it without us. But we need to make one last big push to find an alternative.

The Bush team needs to stop telling itself that the news media are not reporting the good news in Iraq. That's utter nonsense. And it needs to stop acting like a spectator as events there unfold, with the secretaries of state and defense making one-day stopovers and then disappearing. It is time for this administration to start taking responsibility for the outcome of this war, and not just dump it all on the military.

There is no military solution. There is only a political solution, and it will require some big-time diplomacy to pull off.

We need to bring together all the newly elected Iraqi leaders for a national reconciliation conference — outside Baghdad. We should lock them in a room and not let them out until they either produce a national unity government, so Americans will want to stay in Iraq, or fail to produce that government, which would signal that it's time to warm up the bus.

Those choices need to be put to the Iraqis in the most frank, tough-minded way by the most nasty, brutish and short-tempered senior official we've got — and that is Dick "Darth Vader" Cheney. Mr. Veep, this Bud's for you.

Richard Holbrooke masterfully played this role in bringing an end to the Bosnian civil war at the Dayton peace conference, and maybe Mr. Cheney could do the same for Iraq, with the help of our very skilled ambassador in Baghdad, Zalmay Khalilzad. We need an Iraqi Dayton — now. And we need a really bad dude to make it work.

Mr. Cheney could open the meeting with his low growl by telling the Sunnis: "Look, you guys don't want to compromise, fine. Then we'll just leave you to the tender mercies of the Shiites, who vastly outnumber you."

To the Shiites: "You want to rule Iraq and control the oil without real regard to the Sunnis? Well, you're going to rule over nothing but a boiling pot, unless you compromise."

And to the Kurds he could say: "You've behaved most responsibly. Stick with it. If Iraq falls apart, we will make sure you're taken care of. We won't ignore the fact that you've built an impressively decent, democratizing society in your region."

After getting their attention, Mr. Cheney could start cracking heads on the key issues:

First, the Shiite alliance has to come up with a new candidate for prime minister, acceptable to all parties.

Second, the constitution has to be revised so the Sunnis do not feel that the Kurds and Shiites are breaking off their own chunks of Iraq, along with their oil resources.

Third, the Sunnis need to produce a credible plan for ending their insurgency.

Fourth, the parties have to agree on an inner cabinet, with ministers from each community, which will make all key decisions in coordination with the new prime minister.

Fifth, this inner cabinet has to draw up a plan for governing Iraq from the center — and not from any one faction.

Mr. Cheney could then conclude: "Read my lips — these are the minimum requirements for a decent government in Iraq. If Iraqis step up, Americans will want to stick it out. If Iraqis won't step up, Americans will want to step out. The American people are ready to midwife your democracy, but not to baby-sit your civil war."

Mr. Cheney, this is your Kodak moment. Iraqis are notoriously difficult and fractious. You've got the time and the mean streak to deal with them. They'll get serious if you're in the room. But just in case, bring along your shotgun. This is a good job for someone with bad aim.

Thomas L. Friedman, a world-renowned author and journalist, joined The New York Times in 1981 as a financial reporter specializing in OPEC- and oil-related news and later served as the chief diplomatic, chief White House, and international economics correspondents. A three-time Pulitzer Prize winner, he has traveled hundreds of thousands of miles reporting the Middle East conflict, the end of the cold war, U.S. domestic politics and foreign policy, international economics, and the worldwide impact of the terrorist threat. His foreign affairs column, which appears twice a week in the Times, is syndicated to seven hundred other newspapers worldwide.

Copyright © 2006 The New York Times Company


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Tuesday, March 07, 2006

Et tu, Texas Technique?

A short while ago, I wrote about my adventures in test grading Why I Have A Scantron Gimme-Cap. In that bloated account of my life and hard times, I mentioned that I was introduced to machine-scored, scannable test answer sheets by a doctoral student in psychology at Texas Technique in the early 1970s. In my own studies on the South Plains of Texas in Lubbock, I majored in history and my minor field was literature in the English department. Now, I learn that Texas Technique's English department has online essays that are graded (or scored) online as well. The little frosh write essays and ship the files to the grad students (who teach these entry-level courses) and receive their grade (or score) online in an e-mail message. All of the transactions are untouched by human hands (or red pencils). The mad professor who is responsible for this "innovation" came to Texas Technique after I was long gone from the place. He has sold his software product to a major textbook publisher and he will end his days rich beyond the dreams of avarice. If this is (fair & balanced) bemusement, so be it.

[x The Chronicle of Higher Education]
A New Way to Grade: At Texas Tech, freshman composition has been revolutionized. Is the result too mechanical?
By Paula Wasley

Last semester Lindsay Hutton "taught" 1,940 students. She met only 70 of them in person. Those were the ones enrolled in the two weekly sections of English composition that she taught in an actual classroom. The hundreds and hundreds of others she knew only as anonymous numbered documents she read on her computer screen and then, with a click of a button, sent back out into the ether.

As one of 60 graduate students hired to teach freshman composition at Texas Tech University, Ms. Hutton had a weekly quota of grading.

Each week she was assigned to read, comment on, and grade 17 drafts of essays, offer a second grade on 18 more, and review about 25 peer critiques and 20 student self-evaluations to fulfill her 12-hour grading responsibility — allowing an average of 10 minutes per document. Ms. Hutton, a Ph.D. student in creative writing, is not paid per draft, but some graduate students who take on grading work during the holidays are. Last spring, for example, students were paid $2 for grading a preliminary draft, $4 for a final draft, and 50 cents for a peer or self-evaluation.

"Sometimes," Ms. Hutton says, "it feels like a factory."

Most colleges and universities require some kind of first-year writing course. Increasingly, the expensive task of getting masses of freshmen from widely varying educational backgrounds up to snuff falls to the cheapest labor: untenured professors, part-timers, and graduate students.

While institutions around the country are experimenting with technology to enhance or reinvigorate freshman comp, Texas Tech is using a computer system to entirely reinvent the experience. The university has cut class time in half, increased the amount of writing students do, and split the teachers into two groups: "classroom instructors" and "document instructors." The system allows faculty members to closely monitor the graders and collect piles of data about student writing and how graduate students evaluate it.

The system has divided the English department, pitting professors who say it not only saves time but prevents biased grading against those who find it dehumanizing and Orwellian. Most alarming to the critics is that the system's separation of instruction from grading threatens the traditional, and to some, sacrosanct, relationship between teacher and student.

Man and Machine

The man behind this divisive system is Fred O. Kemp, an associate professor of English and designer of Topic (Texas Tech Online-Print Integrated Curriculum), the Web-based computer application on which Texas Tech's first-year composition program, or ICON (for Interactive Composition Online), is based.

Mr. Kemp emphasizes that the system was designed to solve a set of problems particular to a large research institution like Texas Tech — namely how to use inexperienced graduate students to teach composition to 3,000 freshmen. Half of the graduate students entering Texas Tech have never taught before, says Mr. Kemp, or indeed even taken a basic composition course, having tested out of it in college. And with a 25- to 30-percent turnover rate, most who enter the system leave after three or four semesters.

"We have some folks who come in very talented, who like to teach and have a knack for it," says Susan M. Lang, an associate professor of English and a director of the composition program. "If you're a freshman and you luck out with the top 15 percent [of instructors], it's a phenomenal experience. But if you're in the bottom 15-20 percent, it's horrible."

Before ICON, says Mr. Kemp, the system for teaching freshman composition was rife with inconsistency. Or rather there was no system. Instructors drawn from creative writing, technical communication, rhetoric, and literature could not agree on either the content or criteria of good writing. Some instructors had students writing haiku and short stories, while others assigned lengthy research papers. At the beginning of each semester, says Mr. Kemp, the department dealt with wholesale movement between sections, while his office turned into a "complaint desk" for students carping about the program's inequities.

In the fall of 2001, when a graduate-student instructor was removed from the classroom for incompetence, Mr. Kemp, then director of the composition program, took over her two sections. Overburdened, he decided to divide the work of grading the 50 students' papers.

He tinkered with Texas Tech's homegrown database-driven software, Topic — which, like the commercial courseware WebCT and Blackboard, allows students to file and store papers online — so that other faculty members could read and grade the essays. The experiment was so successful that the new system was adopted programwide in 2002.

What is most radical about the system is the way it divides the labor of the traditional teacher into that of "classroom instructor" and "document instructor" or, in the local parlance, CI and DI.

Students meet once a week in a classroom with their classroom instructor to go over the finer points of grammar, style, and argumentation, and to discuss their weekly assignments, which are standardized across all 70-odd sections of the two required first-year composition courses. Each assignment cycle includes three drafts of an essay, reflective "writing reviews" commenting on students' own work, and two peer reviews of other students' work, all of which are submitted and stored online.

Document instructors, some of whom also work as classroom instructors, do the grading. Every piece of writing students produce is read by at least two anonymous graders from a pool of 60 to 70 graduate part-time instructors. The first reader reads, comments, and assigns a grade, from one to 100, to the document. When the second reader opens the file, he or she sees the essay, and the first DI's commentary, but not the grade. The second grader assigns a grade, and the computer averages the two. If the spread between the two grades is greater than eight points, the document goes to a third grader, and the two closest scores determine the composite grade. A student may appeal an assignment grade to his or her classroom instructor, who may choose to override it.

Mr. Kemp acknowledges his approach is controversial. The first semester the system was adopted, graduate students circulated a newsletter titled TOPIC Sucks, griping about the system's frequent technical glitches and industrial aspect. "It expressed a concern that they were being turned into pieceworkers," says Madonne M. Miner, an English professor and director of graduate studies in the department.

In the four years that the system has been in place, Mr. Kemp has been called upon by students, graduate students, and professors at Texas Tech and other institutions to defend and explain his creation. He is used to the attacks. Those who see the system as an insidious mechanical agent, he says, are often either Luddites with a visceral reaction to anything computerized or don't fully understand the system's operating principles.

"Simply to call it an assembly line and say, ipso facto, it's wrong, sounds like a 19th-century point of view," he says. "Henry Ford built an awful lot of automobiles, and he made them cheap so that an awful lot of people could buy cars that couldn't have bought cars without the assembly line. So the idea that efficiencies within a system are inherently bad and dehumanizing, I think, is wrong."

Students Required to Write More

Chief among the program's benefits, administrators say, is simply that it requires students to write more. "We make the assumption that students benefit more from writing and receiving commentary than by sitting in a classroom," says Mr. Kemp. Classroom time for first-year comp was cut in half, from 160 to 80 minutes a week, and the cap on class size was raised from 25 to 35 students in each section.

The changes were intended to give students more time to work on assignments, and graduate students more time to grade them. Students now turn in an average of 35 pieces of writing a semester, nearly three times as many as before. Although Mr. Kemp acknowledges that he has no data showing that the program has improved students' writing, there is also "no proof that what people were doing before ICON was any better," he says.

In addition, blind grading eliminates bias, says Mr. Kemp. His maxim: "We are not grading the writer, we are grading the writing."

Moreover, ICON removes what Mr. Kemp calls "the suck-up factor." No longer can a student earn good marks by buttering up the instructor. Teachers can't inflate the grade of a student who turns in consistently poor work just because he or she is deemed to be trying hard.

ICON is designed to inject objectivity into the subjective process of evaluating writing. Thanks to standardized assignments, standardized evaluation criteria, and shared grading, Mr. Kemp says, an A means something uniform.

"In the old days," he says, "if your students were all making A's, that could mean that they were a great group of students, or it could mean that you're a lousy teacher."

Faculty members can look in and determine whether some graders are giving higher than average marks and review their commentary. "From an administrative point of view, it's a dream child," says Ms. Miner. "You've got complete oversight over what your graduate part-time instructors are doing."

First-year comp students can also grade their graders. When retrieving their documents, students can enter a ranking of one to five, evaluating the helpfulness of the DI's commentary. Whenever a student enters a one — what some instructors refer to as a "nastygram" — the system immediately notifies the program's directors.

The program's Big Brother aspect may rankle his fellow instructors, but Michael Likhinin, a master's degree student in technical communication, says online teaching is the future of higher education, and training in ICON is ideal preparation for "this brave new world which is to come."

He cites the "flexibility factor" as one of the program's greatest attractions. As a document instructor, Mr. Likhinin can tailor his work hours to his schedule, grade more papers early to reach his quota if he knows he has a difficult week ahead, and log on anytime from anywhere to read and comment on papers. Once, on vacation and with little to do, he graded papers from his hotel in Mexico.

Grading online documents goes more quickly than if he were marking hard copies, he says. He can use search functions to find frequently made errors. And instead of writing out repetitive commentary by hand, he can insert links to helpful Web sites explaining grammar and style rules. "It reduces the amount of menial labor," he says.

Jonathan Markley, a sophomore at Texas Tech, liked all the commentary he received in his composition courses. And the software was certainly user-friendly: He always knew what his grade was, and he could turn in papers any time of day or night.

But there were times when he got the feeling that the graders were too overwhelmed to pay close attention. Like when an essay that had received an 85 or a 90 in the preliminary drafts — and which he then perfected by submitting it to his teacher and the university writing center for a read-through — came back to him on the final as a 72. But he could always go to his classroom instructor to appeal the grade, something he did half a dozen times each semester. All in all, the course was more helpful, and more challenging, than he had anticipated. The main drawback, he says, is that it was "kind of impersonal."

The Instructor as 'Middleman'

While Mr. Kemp contends that anonymous group grading leads to greater consistency, Lindsay Hutton sees too many cooks in the kitchen. "You don't know what the student has been told before," says the graduate instructor. And with so many "teachers" commenting on their work, the students received mixed messages and "didn't know how to differentiate which advice to take."

The tension, she says, affects the morale of both classroom instructor and student. "You've got 35 people who come in who know you have nothing to do with the grade they receive, aside from simply typing it into the computer," says Ms. Hutton. "People think you're just there as this kind of middleman, which you are. Once I started to feel that way, it became difficult for me to really put much into it."

As a document instructor, says Ms. Hutton, she felt even more disconnected from her students. Because of a system backlog, she was sometimes commenting on early drafts of assignments she knew that students had already written final versions of. And without the opportunity to sit down and explain her comments to the students, it often felt as if her feedback was escaping into a vacuum.

"You develop a certain amount of ambivalence," she says. "You're under a time crunch with that work and with your own, and you don't see these people, so your responsibility to them, even though it is not less, may feel like less."

Ms. Hutton, who has taught composition elsewhere under more traditional arrangements, says she prefers having a single teacher for each class, which allows her to "attach a face to every page."

"I felt more that I could help the students" in the traditional classroom, she says. "If they had questions they knew who to ask, and it wasn't someone else's comment I was trying to interpret for them. It was my own."

Who's in Charge?

Indeed, at the core of the debate over the merits of the Texas Tech system is the question of what the relationship between teacher and student should be.

For some, says Shirley K. Rose, president of the Council of Writing Program Administrators, separating the evaluator of student writing from the person teaching it is "going too far."

"It raises the question of whether we care about the texts or the student writing the texts," she says. Proponents of more-mainstream instruction models, she says, focus on "not what the papers of the student are, but what the writing is for the student," emphasizing context and process over product.

Some question whether the Texas Tech English department's reconfigured teacher-student model is really more fair or more productive. By casting a student's relationship with the teacher "as something questionable or surreptitious or evil," says Deborah H. Holdstein, chairwoman of the English department at Northern Illinois University, the model discounts a teacher's ability to inspire and reward students' intellectual development. "Why is the addition of technology making that a pedagogically sound thing to do?" asks Ms. Holdstein.

The most common complaint among grad students is that the system erodes their authority and autonomy as teachers.

Although her experiences were largely positive, Melonie R. McMichael, a Ph.D. student in technical communications at Texas Tech, says that during her first semester teaching she often felt "emasculated" in the classroom. "At times," she says, "I felt like I had no way to encourage my students to do anything in the class." Without control over their final grades, she says, it was often hard to gain students' attention.

She wished she could give extra credit to students who worked hard, she says, but realized that could thwart the objectivity of the system. Still, her frustration peaked when classroom instructors were told they could not round a final computer-generated grade of 89.9 up a tenth of a point, converting it from a B+ to an A.

Mr. Kemp has a term for this frustration. He calls it "the psychology of loss." Even instructors who acknowledge ICON's pragmatism feel that "by losing the power of the grade, they've lost something intrinsic to the student-teacher relationship," says Mr. Kemp. "But that's a myth. Why is it pedagogically necessary for the classroom instructor to be the one grading?"

Rather than focus on loss of authority, Mr. Kemp urges his instructors to reimagine their role as teachers. Now, he says, they are the coach, not the policeman. The theory is that students are more inclined to approach instructors who aren't doling out grades. And classroom instructors can become advocates for their students. "The coach doesn't determine who wins the football game every Saturday," he says. "The coach helps you win the football game."

External Review

Meanwhile, the discontent that produced the TOPIC Sucks newsletter has often divided faculty members and graduate students at Texas Tech along disciplinary lines. Technical-communications majors "get" ICON, it is said; literature majors and creative writers do not. And the tension between the two factions is palpable.

Some faculty members feel that composition administrators have become so invested in the computer system that they've lost sight of the program's initial aims, and technology has become the tail wagging the dog. "They've monkeyed with the system," says Ms. Miner, a professor of American literature, "but they've never been willing to throw out the system."

In August 2005, 19 faculty members petitioned the English department's chairman, Sam Dragga, to commission an external review of the Texas Tech composition program. In October, within a week of a departmental vote in favor of an external review, English professors received an e-mail message from Mr. Dragga announcing his proposal to move undergraduate and graduate writing programs (including composition, rhetoric, and technical communications) out of the English department entirely and into the department of communication studies.

His message cited the "growing similarities among specialists in oral and written communication and the growing differences with specialists in literature, language, and creative writing" as the inspiration for the move. But many professors, says Ms. Miner, see a "curious synchronicity" between the vote and the chairman's proposal, which is still pending.

Mr. Kemp and his composition colleagues welcome the external review, which is to be performed in April by the Council of Writing Program Administrators. He anticipates that a positive evaluation, combined with data produced by ICON, will vindicate the system against its critics.

Composed of nine linked databases, the program contains a veritable gold mine of data. According to a message Mr. Kemp posted on the council's e-mail list, the system produces "201 discrete searchable/sortable chunks of information" on students, teachers, and writing that could be analyzed according to criteria as useful or as obscure as "whether 8 a.m. classes turn in more late papers than 3 p.m. classes ... whether a class is generating a higher than average number of comma splices or semicolon errors than other classes ... whether women comment differently than men... ."

The glut of data the program has amassed has yet to be fully analyzed, and when it is, Mr. Kemp hopes that it will prove empirically what he believes to be true: that ICON "is the best deal for freshmen that I've ever seen."

The program may not fit a liberal-arts college or be a good replacement for a composition program taught by experienced professors, Mr. Kemp acknowledges, but it may suit other large research institutions that, like Texas Tech, rely almost entirely on graduate-student teachers.

Soon those universities will have an opportunity to see for themselves. With the aid of Mr. Kemp, Thomson Learning and Wadsworth are modifying their courseware, InSite, to include a distributed-grading function. The commercial version should be available this fall.

In addition to winning the Genauer Prize in Literary Criticism from the Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism, Paula Wasley was a McCloy Journalism Fellow in 2004. Presently, Wasley covers teaching issues for The Chronicle.

Copyright © 2006 by The Chronicle of Higher Education


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