Wednesday, April 15, 2009

I Wanna Go Home (To Detroit City)?

What would Jane Jacobs (1916-2006) think about Detroit? In addition to her magnum opus, The Death and Life of Great American Cities (1961), Jacobs' last book, Dark Age Ahead (2004), supports a gloomy view of the prospects of cities like Detroit. A correspondent, who has relocated from the Rust Belt to the Valley of the Sun, sent along a recommendation of the following essay on Detroit by Professor Kevin Boyle. Of course, no mention of Motor City should fail to recognize that great urban prophet, Robert Joseph (Bobby) Bare — a native of Ironton, OH, despite singing about cotton fields back home. To give ol' Bobby his due, Ironton is in southeastern Ohio, but a wee bit north for a decent cotton crop. But why spoil a good beer-drinkin' song?

[x YouTube/RockinGator Channel]
"Detroit City" (1963)
By Bobby Bare

If this is a (fair & balanced) dystopic vision, so be it.

[x Origins]
Requiem: Detroit And The Fate Of Urban America
By Kevin Boyle

[Editor's Note: No city in America has had its fortunes tied to the rise and fall of the manufacturing economy more than Detroit. Home to the American auto industry, symbol of post-war prosperity, Detroit now stands as a synonym for urban decline. This month historian and Detroit native Kevin Boyle gives us a very personal meditation on the city and puts his own experience of growing up in Detroit in historical perspective. For more on the history of the current economic crisis and American cities, see the April 2008 Origins article, "(Fore)Closing on the American Dream." On the history of the Ford motor company, see this 1994 Origins article.]

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I saw the ad on a real estate web site a week ago. For sale: 3952 Chatsworth Street, Detroit, Michigan. A five bedroom, three bath brick home, built in 1926. Eighteen hundred square feet of living space. Now empty. Yours for $17,900.

$17,900. That house—that home—for the price of a cheap car.

Pick up a paper these days and you almost invariably see some mention of Detroit’s great crisis. But the stories aren’t about the city. They’re about the auto industry: how General Motors and Chrysler and Ford are hemorrhaging money; how they’re lurching toward catastrophe; how disaster must be averted.

The crisis in the streets of Detroit—the vortex of poverty that is consuming what once was the nation’s fifth largest city—that’s not news at all.

A memory

It’s a summer day sometime in the late 1960s, though precisely when I couldn’t say. I’m in the backyard of that house on Chatsworth Street, the Wilds’ place, two doors down from my own.

The five Wilds’ kids had some sort of fight, as they often did. In the heat of battle the two oldest boys, Mike and Pat, had decided to hog-tie their little brother Kevin, my age. There he is: seven, eight, maybe nine years old, writhing on the cement beneath the battered basketball hoop, his arms and legs bound behind him by a length of clothesline, his mouth gagged so couldn’t scream for help, his eyes wide and brimming with tears.

It was cruel and frightening and more than a little exciting. That’s why the neighborhood kids spent more time at the Wilds’ house than just about anywhere else. Because our families were staid and proper, while the Wilds’ kids were – well, wild. And we wanted to share in the freedom, the confidence, the limitlessness that coursed through that house. Truth be told, we envied the Wilds.

We were too young, too sheltered to understand the burdens our parents carried. All we knew was that we were safe. Like so many Detroiters, our families had wound their way to the city in circuitous, sometimes serendipitous ways. But in the end most of them had chosen Detroit for only one reason: work.

In the first half of the twentieth century the city was America’s great boomtown, pulsing with the fearsome energy of the world’s most innovative industry. Fordism [ click here for the 1994 Origins article on Henry Ford (pdf) ], the social critics called it: the perfection of mass production, carried out in the vast auto factories that sprawled across the landscape, from the legendary Ford Rouge on Detroit’s western edge to the warren of grim-faced parts plants on the east side.

A machine of a city, oiled by an army of working people. In 1950 there were 330,000 manufacturing jobs in Detroit, enough to sustain a population of 1.8 million people. Enough to sustain a neighborhood like ours.

By the late 1960s the machine was already slowing down, the jobs starting to slip away. Gradually the auto makers moved their factories to the suburbs and the Sun Belt, where there was plenty of land for sleek new facilities, plenty of workers who weren’t steeped in the union tradition, and plenty of ways to improve profit margins.

But those problems didn’t reach our slice of the city. Our fathers had seniority in the plant, security in the office; a good, stable paycheck handed over like clockwork each and every Friday. Most of our mothers stayed home, though a few worked as secretaries or bookkeepers.

And they gave us everything a kid could want. We had televisions sitting proudly in our living rooms, toys strewn across our basement floors, trikes and bikes and cars filling our garages, swing sets rusting in our narrow backyards.

No one ever mentioned the phalanx of government programs that made our world comfortable: the labor laws that gave our fathers the ability to earn union wages; the Federal Housing Authority (FHA) mortgages that our parents had used to buy our homes; the Social Security checks that paid our grandparents’ bills; the college loans that made it possible for older brothers and sisters to get the educations our parents never had.

The Batts girls, from the far end of the block, headed off to Calvin College, met and married ministers, and settled into the suburbs to do God’s will. The Luchtans’ daughter went to the city school, Wayne State, fell in love with one of its many campus radicals, fled with him to Canada, and returned with a little blonde son named Ché.

Watching them, we knew that in time we’d have similar, agreeable choices to make; futures to shape however we saw fit. We were remarkably lucky. But we thought it our due.

Race

We knew about race, of course. Though we lived in a completely white neighborhood, there was no way to avoid race. In the late 1960s it was a festering wound cutting across the city.

African Americans had come to Detroit in the first half of the century for the same reason our families had. But the factories didn’t open to them, not the way they opened to white people, while most of the city’s neighborhoods closed against them, the color line drawn by government fiat and physical force.

Realtors and developers set the standard, using their leverage over the housing market to shut blacks out of huge swaths of the city. New Dealers brought segregation into its housing policy: the FHA, the VA, even the projects embraced racial separation.

And if, by some chance, an African-American family slipped past all the discriminatory practices and provisions and moved into a white area, they faced the very real risk of violence from their new neighbors: a threatening note in the mailbox, a shattered window, a racist slur scrawled across a wall, a rabid mob out on the street—the terror replayed time and again, until Detroit had become one of the most segregated cities in America.

Once the ghetto was in place, City Hall starved it of public services: as late as 1950, a quarter of the homes in the sprawling east side slum didn’t have running water; and garbage collection was so sporadic the neighborhood became overrun with rats. Its housing stock—already the worst in Detroit—inexorably decayed. Its schools struggled with systematic underfunding. The all-white police department patrolled its streets as if the cops were an occupying army. And for more than thirty years—from the 1920s through the 1950s—the black community seethed with the frustration, the injustice of it all.

Then, in the late 1950s and early 1960s, the boundaries of the ghetto were broken; shattered by a surging civil rights movement and the power of demography. In 1960 there were half a million African Americans living in Detroit, 28 percent of the population. No matter how hard whites tried, they couldn’t contain so many people in the ghetto’s narrow band of streets. Bit by bit African-American families began buying homes in sections of the city that had long been reserved for whites.

There was trouble, of course. Threatening notes stuffed into mailboxes; racial slurs scrawled across walls and doors; mob attacks; schoolyard brawls; massive white flight. And even as the black population spread, the official oppression—the relentless oppression—never lifted. Then it triggered the worst urban disorder of the 1960s.

It began a hot summer night in July 1967. The cops raided an after-hours bar in an African-American neighborhood on the west side. A crowd gathered to watch. In the heat tempers flared. Someone threw a brick through a window of a police cruiser idling at the curb. And the conflagration began.

Six days of rioting. A rebellion, some said. Swaths of the city burned to the ground. Forty three people killed. The streets retaken by the 82nd Airborne. Peace at the barrel of a gun.

On Chatsworth, we never experienced the horrific events of that week. We were scared—all of Detroit was scared—but there was no violence. I swear we heard it off in the distance; sirens wailing over the sound of cicadas, the occasional gunshot in someone else’s part of town.

When race filtered into our neighborhood, it came not in the fevered days of 1967 but in the years that followed. And we heard it in our parent’s whispers, in the quiet counting of streets. A black couple had moved into a house a mile from us, half a mile, six blocks. No one assaulted the newcomers. No one even threatened them, as far as I know.

Instead whites in those neighborhoods simply started to move to the suburbs, back across the color line. As they ran, house values plummeted, driven down by their owner’s panicked selling. But we didn’t see it that way. Whites weren’t to blame for what was happening. Whites were never to blame.

Another moment

This time I know the date. Late autumn 1974: the grimmest of seasons in the grimmest of years. For the first time since the 1930s the American auto industry is under assault, its once unassailable position shattered by a spike in inflation, a disastrous oil embargo, and a sudden surge in Japanese imports. As the auto makers fall, Detroit is tumbling through recession into depression.

I’m in the kitchen of the Wilds’ house, brilliantly yellow the way the kitchens are supposed to be. I’m waiting for one of the younger kids—Kevin or the twins, Danny and Terri. In walks Mike Wilds, the oldest boy. Sinewy, surly Mike, the one who could always throw the fear of God into you, made all the more intimidating by the fact that I’m a fragile fourteen year old and he’s an imposing eighteen.

He was supposed to go to college that September: Michigan State, we all heard. But rumor has it that Mr. and Mrs. Wilds couldn’t come up with the money. So Mike is joining the Army instead—in the autumn of 1974, when only the most desperate go into the Army. And as he passes me by in that kitchen, I’m not intimidated at all.

There was another change that year, bigger, in the end, than all the others. The first black family moved onto our block. They were a young couple; school teachers, I think, though no one ever bothered to ask them. Instead our parents talked among themselves. There were a handful of neighborhood meetings, many more kitchen-table conferences. There they made their calculations.

Most of the younger white families on Chatsworth had paid for their houses about what my parents had paid for our home in 1960: $13,000. With the city’s economy spiraling downward, they wouldn’t get much more than that, if they could sell at all. So they all agreed to stay put. No race to the realtors. No “for sale” signs sprouting up on our trim front lawns. No catastrophic competition to get our houses sold. We’d work together to make sure that, in our little corner of Detroit, there’d be no white flight. It was the only smart thing to do.

A final memory

A summer evening in 1977, late enough for the sky to have darkened, the street lights to have flickered on. All day long the movers have been carrying the Wilds’ belongings—boxes of clothes, the old iron bed frames that the kids used, the fancy stereo cabinet everyone envied—out to the massive moving van.

The Wilds are leaving, heading to their new home in a small town an hour north of Detroit. We’re gathered in their driveway to say goodbye. I’m sure our parents are there. But all I can see are the kids I grew up with, the kids I’ve known forever—no longer children, not quite adults—drawn into a tight knot, the boys standing awkwardly on the edge, the girls in the center, hugging and crying. We’ll still talk, we tell each other. We’ll come to visit. Nothing will change. And we believe what we’re saying. We really do.

The next day an African-American family moved into the Wilds’ house. I never went there again.

By that summer the promises our parents had made to each other had completely unraveled. It’s tempting to say that we just got swept up in the massive exodus of those years. In the course of the 1970s, 400,000 whites left Detroit. Who were we to resist? But that isn’t true. Our parents’ promises collapsed under the crushing weight of a system that fused racism, self-interest, and the inexorable logic of the real estate marketplace.

So those who could afford it put their homes up for sale, their prices cut as close to the bone as straining budgets would allow. One by one we found buyers, always African Americans, since whites were no longer interested in living on Chatsworth. My family moved to the suburbs in October 1977, a few days before my seventeenth birthday. We left behind a city of 1.2 million people, two thirds of them black.

I saw the Wilds just once, a year or so after they moved, when the neighborhood kids piled into somebody’s car and made the long drive out to their new house. For a while after that I’d hear an occasional update. Then the news petered out. I don’t think any of the kids went to college, at least not straight out of high school. If they tried to make their way in the blue-collar world, it must have been tough.

Industrial America never really recovered from the economic crisis of the mid-1970s. Some industries—steel, for instance—essentially shut down. The domestic auto makers survived, of course, but they shrank their operations or moved them overseas, shedding jobs in the process.

The Reagan revolution made matters worse. During the 1980s it became more difficult to unionize as the government withdrew its support for workers’ rights. The consolidation of corporate power made it harder for working people to get health care, harder to build a pension, harder to make ends meet. All the while, the federal safety net grew thinner and thinner, shredded by the government’s promise that money would somehow trickle down to those in need.

The Wilds undoubtedly got by—many people did—but they would have struggled to match the world their parents had made for them on Chatsworth.

If life was difficult out in small-town Michigan, it turned brutal back in Detroit. The precipitous slide in the city’s manufacturing base that began in the mid-1970s turned into a death spiral: between 1972 and 1982 Detroit lost a third of its factory jobs; almost two thirds between 1972 and 1992.

As industry disappeared, the city’s tax base crumbled. Cuts in public housing, education, and welfare programs compounded the burden. Poverty intensified. The drug trade flourished. And the streets grew ever more dangerous: in the course of the 1990s there were 5032 murders in Detroit. The worse circumstances became, the more people fled: first whites, then an increasing number of middle-class African Americans, who moved into suburbs that also quickly became all-black.

By 2000 Detroit’s population had fallen below the million mark, half what it had been at its peak. Once-thriving neighborhoods were pockmarked by the charred remains of burned-out houses. The main streets were lined with boarded up store fronts. Factories stood empty, their rows of windows smashed, their buckling walls painted with riots of graffiti. The city was hollowing out.

Today

Detroit’s population has now tumbled to 860,000. A third of its people—half of its children—live below the poverty line. It has an infant mortality rate just slightly better than the Palestinian territories. Its educational system has essentially collapsed: only 21.7 percent of the students who start Detroit’s high schools manage to graduate. Its political system is in disarray, its effectiveness destroyed by a scandal that sent its dynamic young mayor, Kwame Kilpatrick, to prison.

White flight is almost complete. According to official measurements, the Detroit metropolitan area is now the most segregated in America, a necklace of overwhelmingly white suburbs surrounding an all but completely African-American city.

Detroit’s misery is shared by much of urban America. Cleveland’s poverty rate is almost as high. Memphis’ infant mortality rate is worse. Milwaukee, Newark, Chicago and New York are almost as segregated. And four years after Hurricane Katrina, whole sections of New Orleans remain in ruins. The current national economic meltdown is making the situation even more desperate, as foreclosures and factory shutdowns devastate city after city.

Nowhere is the crisis more severe, though, than in Detroit. Last month, the unemployment rate reached a catastrophic 22 percent—and is only likely to grow worse through the rest of the year. With joblessness at such a level, the city’s already crumbling tax base threatens to collapse, hamstringing its ability to deal with the crippling array of problems it faces. Detroit is, quite simply, a devastated place; ignored and forgotten by a nation that, until these past few months, didn’t give a damn for the dispossessed.

A dream

I’m sitting on the front porch that runs the length of the Wilds’ house, where we used to sit when we had nothing better to do. It’s spring, so the cement railing is cold to the touch. But the spindly trees that line the sidewalk have begun to bud, the forsythias have bloomed, and the tiny front lawns—the neighborhood’s pride—are starting to green.

I look down the block, along the solid row of houses, I don’t see a place sliding into desolation, a place so poor, so desperate you can buy a home for $18,000.

Instead I see that street the way it once was. Not the hatred, not the fear, not the narrowness of our vision, but the hope that used to thrive here. The boundless hope of childhood, given as a birthright to the kids who now call this neighborhood their home. ♥

[Kevin Boyle teaches modern American history at The Ohio State University. Boyle is the author of Arc of Justice: A Saga of Race, Civil Rights, and Murder in the Jazz Age (2004). He received his bachelor's degree from the University of Detroit, now University of Detroit Mercy and his doctorate from the University of Michigan-Ann Arbor.]

Copyright © 2009 The Ohio State University Department of History

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Judith Krug, RIP

Judith Krug (1940-2009)

In this blogger's humble opinion (ITBHO), the American Library Association needs a new award for courageous opposition to book-banning. Admittedly, the ALA already awards the The Paul Howard Award for Courage "...consisting of $1,000 and a 24k gold-framed citation of achievement honoring a librarian, library board, library group, or an individual who has exhibited unusual courage for the benefit of library programs or services." The ALA also confers the "...Gordon M. Conable Award [which honors] a public library staff member, a library trustee, or a public library that has demonstrated a commitment to intellectual freedom and the Library Bill of Rights." However, a Judith Krug Award is in order to recognize a significant defender of books and the free exchange of ideas as well as opposition to book-banning. This blogger has made an inquiry with the ALA and if such an award is in the offing, that news will be posted to this blog. If this is (fair & balanced) admiration for a bookwoman, so be it.

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[1] Judith Krug (1940-2009)
[2] An Appreciation Of Judith Krug

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Judith Krug, Who Fought Ban On Books, Dies At 69
By Douglas Martin

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Judith F. Krug, who led the campaign by libraries against efforts to ban books, including helping found Banned Books Week, then fought laws and regulations to limit children’s access to the Internet, died Saturday in Evanston, Ill. She was 69.

The cause was stomach cancer, her son, Steven, said.

As the American Library Association’s official proponent of the First Amendment’s guarantee of free speech since the 1960s, Ms. Krug (pronounced kroog) fought the banning of books, including Huckleberry Finn, Mein Kampf, Little Black Sambo, Catcher in the Rye, and sex manuals. In 1982, she helped found Banned Books Week, an annual event that includes authors reading from prohibited books.

She also fought for the inclusion of literature on library shelves that she herself found offensive, like “The Blue Book” of the ultraconservative John Birch Society. The book is a transcript of a two-day monologue by Robert Welch at the founding meeting of the society in 1958.

“My personal proclivities have nothing to do with how I react as a librarian,” Ms. Krug said in an interview with The New York Times in 1972. “Library service in this country should be based on the concept of intellectual freedom, of providing all pertinent information so a reader can make decisions for himself.”

In 1967, Ms. Krug became director of the library association’s Office for Intellectual Freedom, which promotes intellectual freedom in libraries. In 1969, she was appointed executive director of its Freedom to Read Foundation, which raises money to further First Amendment issues in court cases.

The issues have changed over time. In December 1980, Ms. Krug’s observation that complaints about the content of books in public libraries had increased fivefold in the month since Ronald Reagan was elected president was widely reported. In an interview with The Times, she said that many of the complainants identified themselves as members of Moral Majority, a strongly conservative group, but the Rev. George A. Zarris, chairman of Moral Majority in Illinois, denied there was any organized effort.

But the situation illustrated a frequent conflict in issues over library censorship. Ms. Krug pushed what she often described as a pure view of the First Amendment against what her opponents often said was the democratic will.

“What the library associations are trying to do is make the voice of the people null and void,” said Nancy Czerwiec, a former primary school teacher who led the fight to ban a sex education book from the Oak Lawn Library in Illinois.

That controversy was settled when the library agreed to lend the book only to adults.

Ms. Krug later became a leader in fighting censorship on the Internet, an issue taken up by libraries because many people with no computers at home use library computers. The question involved not just a limited number of books for a particular library’s shelves, but efforts to keep theoretically unlimited amounts of indecent material from children by means of technological filters.

In 1997, an alliance of civil liberties groups, with Ms. Krug a principal organizer, persuaded the Supreme Court to strike down the indecency provisions of the Communications Decency Act of 1996.

Jerry Berman, founder and chairman of the Center for Democracy & Technology, which promotes free speech on the Internet, said in a statement, “Her legacy rests in the constitutional challenge that secured the free speech rights for the Internet that we exercise today.”

More recently, Ms. Krug fiercely fought a provision in the USA Patriot Act that allows federal investigators to peruse library records of who has read what. Former Attorney General John Ashcroft dismissed protests about the law as “baseless hysteria.”

Judith Rose Fingeret was born in Pittsburgh on March 15, 1940, graduated from the University of Pittsburgh and earned a master’s degree in library science from the University of Chicago. She worked as a librarian at the University of Chicago and elsewhere before joining the library association as a research analyst.

In addition to her son, Ms. Krug is survived by her husband, Herbert; her daughter, Michelle Litchman; five grandchildren; her two brothers; and her sister.

Ms. Krug credited her parents as inspiring her passion for free expression. In 2002, she told The Chicago Tribune about reading a sex-education book under the covers with a flashlight when she was 12.

“It was a hot book; I was just panting,” she said, when her mother suddenly threw back the bed covers and asked what she was doing. Judith timidly held up the book.

“She said, ‘For God’s sake, turn on your bedroom light so you don’t hurt your eyes.’ And that was that,” Ms. Krug said. ♥

[Douglas Martin is an obituary writer for the NY Fishwrap.]
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Judith Krug
By Dorothy Samuels

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According to the Merriam-Webster Dictionary, a librarian is a person who specializes “in the care or management of a library.” That definition is far too mechanical. It leaves out the larger role librarians play in our democracy, facilitating access to information and ideas and promoting and protecting a precious First Amendment right: the freedom to read.

No one took that role more seriously than Judith Krug, the trained librarian and director of the American Library Association’s Office for Intellectual Freedom for more than four decades, who died Saturday at age 69. Defending the freedom to read from damaging assaults by censors in and out of government was her life’s work.

In a 2002 talk, Ms. Krug explained that the role of librarians is to bring people and information together. “We do this by making sure libraries have information and ideas across the spectrum of social and political thought, so people can choose what they want to read or view or listen to. Some users find materials in their local library collection to be untrue, offensive, harmful or even dangerous. But libraries serve the information needs of all of the people in the community — not just the loudest, not just the most powerful, not even just the majority. Libraries serve everyone.”

Ms. Krug assisted countless local librarians and library trustees dealing with objections to library materials. She waged principled legal battles challenging both book and Internet censorship in libraries all the way to the Supreme Court. She stood up against an insidious portion of the 2001 Patriot Act that allowed government officials broad access to confidential library records and to secretly monitor what people read.

In 1982, during one of the nation’s periodic censorship epidemics, Ms. Krug established Banned Books Week, an annual celebration of authors, their literature and the Constitution’s system of free expression. She found reassurance in the perennial appearance of works like J. D. Salinger’s Catcher in the Rye and John Steinbeck’s Of Mice and Men on the American Library Association’s list of the 10 most frequently challenged library books. “That means that censors, real and would-be, are not making the headway they think they are,” she said. “Books that matter are still in libraries.” ♥

[A member of The Times editorial board since 1984, Dorothy Samuels writes on a wide array of legal and social policy issues. Prior to joining The Times, she briefly practiced corporate law with a big Wall Street firm, leaving there to pursue her interests in public policy and journalism. For four years, Samuels served as executive director of the New York Civil Liberties Union, the largest affiliate of the national ACLU. In 2001, in a change of pace, she published a comic novel, Filthy Rich. Samuels is a graduate of Bryn Mawr College and Northeastern University School of Law.]

Copyright © 2009 The New York Times Company

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