Thursday, August 28, 2008

Hoping For A Better Day With A Stranger In A Stadium

Eags (Timothy Egan) is one of the best writers in the NY Fishwrap's stable of columnists. Today, Eags spells out The Hopester's task for tonight (and all of the remaining nights over the next two months). If this is (fair & balanced) yearning for confidence, so be it.

[x NY Fishwrap]
Stranger In A Stadium
By Tomothy Egan

The nominee did not look or sound like most Americans. He spoke with flair in a flat-voweled land. He was optimism in a time of gray, a tomorrow man in a country where many felt their best days were behind them.

On top of that, he was thought to be a man without heft, a bit of a dandy.

But with one speech, Franklin Roosevelt put himself on the side of a huge majority of Americans eager to throw out a president. His voice would be that of “the forgotten man,” Roosevelt vowed on April 7, 1932, a day when he found his theme, and the Democratic Party found its agenda for the next half-century.

When Barack Obama goes before 70,000 people at Invesco Field on Thursday night, he will try to be the voice for those who also feel forgotten in the age of the global economy, among the nearly 80 percent of voters who say the nation is on the wrong track. But he’s fighting the headwinds of history. Obama is now clearly the underdog, as the weight of just how unusual his candidacy is becomes clear to voters, who truly only focus as summer ends.

Obama’s central dilemma — strange in this age of media saturation — is that so many voters still don’t know him. The most frequent thing I heard in the suburbs of Colorado recently was a simple question: Who is this guy?

All those who lament that Obama is only tied with John McCain in a big Democratic year forget the obvious: Obama does not look like most Americans, and grew up in Hawaii, a state that a supposedly mainstream commentator, Cokie Roberts, called “some sort of foreign, exotic place.”

“My story is your story,” Obama tells crowds. But it’s not. And the inspiring and deeply resonant parts — the son of a single mother who needed student loans to get through the nation’s best schools, the prodigy who passed up big bucks law firms for low-wage community organizing — are already being cast in a negative light.

On the Republican National Committee Web site, under the section on “Meet Barack Obama,” he’s called “a street organizer,” which can mean only one thing. By insinuation, Mother Teresa would be one step from a crack dealer.

“Do we know if he ever sold drugs?” Sean Hannity, ever eager to inject a lie that fits a stereotype in the national bloodstream, asked Jerome R. Corsi, the professional character assassin and author of “Obama Nation.”

The Texas Republican Party targets Obama with a Web video that shows pictures of an African who lives in a shack, identified as Obama’s half-brother, George Hussein Onyango Obama. Hint, hint.

And at a Washington state fair this week, the Republican booth distributed $3 bills depicting Barack Obama with Arab headgear and a camel.

This is just the stuff on the surface. McCain will not bring it out directly. He has others — legions — to do it for him. Imagine what is out of sight and less organized. But it speaks to one of two big issues that Democrats are trying to resolve during this week’s convention: Can a majority of voters get comfortable with the son of a Kenyan of the Luo tribe?

Obama himself spent much of his life trying to fit into his identity. His father, Obama writes in his memoir, “was black as pitch” and thus “looked nothing like the people around me.” He also abandoned his American family before Barack ever got to know him. On Obama’s mother’s side are ancestors of Scottish and English stock, and Obama writes of staring at an old sepia-toned photograph from a Kansas homestead. “Theirs were the faces of American Gothic, the WASP bloodline’s poorer cousins.”

The dissonance that Obama felt growing up is now shared by many voters. Where does he fit in their lives?

Democrats started to answer this question with the knockout speech by Michelle Obama on Monday. She could not have been more likeable, and the story of the father with multiple sclerosis who worked 30 years at the water filtration plant, the family that sent two kids from the South Side of Chicago to Ivy League schools, the girl allowed only one hour of television who memorized every episode of “The Brady Bunch,” was designed to take “different” off the table.

On Thursday night, we’re likely to hear more about “Toot,” the Midwestern grandma who helped raise Barack, from the Dunham family that produced a free spirit — Obama’s mother Ann, never more than a step away from poverty. That’s his first challenge — connect. Then he moves on to what Franklin Roosevelt did with his forgotten man speech: define the campaign from the anxious voter’s perspective.

It was largely overlooked, but the former Republican congressman from Iowa, Jim Leach, now an Obama supporter, framed it well in a speech on Monday. “Nothing is riskier than more of the same,” he said.

Two months from now, people may remember Teddy Kennedy’s heroic effort to hold onto life long enough for one last speech, and Hillary Clinton’s tangerine pantsuit. If her supporters vote for McCain they were never Democrats anyway, or they’re clueless, like the former Clinton supporter in the Republican ad who mistakenly thought McCain was pro-choice on abortion.

Those vignettes, all part of convention drama and filling cable television’s vacuum, will last no longer than a Rocky Mountain thunderstorm.

What people will remember is whether the stranger in the stadium sounded like someone who could lead them to a better day.

[Timothy Egan, a contributing columnist for The Times, writes the weekly "Outposts" column on the American West. Egan — winner of both a Pulitzer Prize in 2001 as a member of a team of reporters who wrote the series "How Race Is Lived in America" and a National Book Award (The Worst Hard Time in 2006) — graduated from the University of Washington with a degree in journalism, and was awarded an honorary doctorate of humane letters by Whitman College in 2000 for his environmental writings. Egan is the author of four other books, in addition The Worst Hard TimeThe Good Rain: Across Time and Terrain in the Pacific Northwest, Lasso the Wind: Away to the New West, Breaking Blue, and The Winemaker's Daughter.]

Copyright © 2008 The New York Times Company


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And A Dummy Shall Lead Them?

Jeff Dunham is the Edgar Bergen of 2008. A SoCal friend from long, long ago, sent along these YouTube & MySpace video clips of Jeff Dunham with one of his most popular "dummies": Walter, the Grumpy Old Man. Walter is a retiree whose arms are always crossed in discontent. Married 47 years, he has a brash, negative, and often sarcastic view on today's world. He is a Vietnam War veteran and a former welder, and "doesn't give a damn" about anyone; especially his own wife. Demonstrating improvisational comedy, Jeff sometimes does a segment at the end of Walter's routine in which Walter answers questions that the audience members were asked to provide prior to the show. Now, Walter is running for President of the United States of America. Only in the Land of the Free and the Home of the Brave do we have the prospect of one dummy succeding another. If this is (fair & balanced) voice projection, so be it.

[x YouTube/MySpace]



"Walter For President"


"Walter for President" Part 2



[Jeff Dunham is an award winning ventriloquist and a stand-up comedian. He has performed on numerous comedy shows, including Comedy Central Presents in 2003. His usual puppets include a woozle (a fictional creature mentioned in the Winnie the Pooh stories) named Peanut, a bitter old man named Walter, a dead terrorist named Achmed, José Jalapeño — a talking jalapeño pepper on a stick, Bubba J, a beer-loving NASCAR-enthusiast and redneck, Sweet Daddy D, Dunham's African American "manager," and most recently, Melvin, the Super-Hero Guy. Dunham was born in Dallas, Texas and graduated from Baylor University. He now is a SoCal guy who performs many gigs in Orange County.]

Copyright © 2008 Jeff Dunham


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A Prairie Home Switchblade

Garrison Keillor is a mild-sounding Minnesotan who slices and dices with his words. Keillor's dismissal of The Dubster as "a Yalie who learned to pass for redneck, a Methodist who learned to pass for evangelical," is priceless (and absolutely true). If this is (fair & balanced) political humor, so be it.

[x Salon]
Rolling With The Punches
By Garrison Keillor

California is another country. You wake up in the morning and New York is already on its first coffee, and the first scandal has broken in Washington, one more Republican crony caught with his hand in the honey pot. It all feels very far away.

You wake up, your laptop is full of e-mails but you're in California so you don't have to reply to them. Your e-mailers imagine that you are busy attending some sort of Mayan fertility ceremony on a beach, bare-chested men whanging on little drums, dinging bells, naked children strewing blossoms in the surf, a priestess in a white caftan playing a Peruvian flute. Stereotypes live forever: Minnesota is cold, California is ditzy. Whereas the California I know is a land of gorgeously normal people, serious, reverent, clean, agile men and women, athletic nerds who love to surf and hike and shoot hoops and also read Frederick Buechner, listen to Bach. I grew up thinking you had to choose between smart and sexy; in California they think you can have it all.

They are less jittery than us flatlanders: Disaster does not terrify them. They roll with earthquakes, the landscape ripples, the china clinks, and so what, it's only an earthquake. Giant mudslides and brush fires — you ride them out and you move on.

They remind me of Londoners, who are famous for rolling with the punches. The night of the horrible bombing in the Underground, the streets of London were full of people who came out to show each other and themselves that they would not be intimidated by a bunch of suicidal maniacs. And even though the danger of terrorism is very real in London, much more so than in Omaha, Nebraska, or Kenosha, Wisconsin, or Tuscaloosa, Alabama, the English have been stubborn in defending their freedom. You cannot be required to carry a photo ID in the U.K. The police still don't walk around with pistols on their belts.

In this country, the attacks by terrorists opened the doors to the darkness of Dick Cheney and furtive vicious men just like him who unleashed an assault on constitutional law, hoping to turn a traumatic occasion — the twin towers burning, smoke billowing over Manhattan — into a permanent Republican majority. As so often happens, vicious men were in the saddle for a time while decent men blithered and dithered. But the ignominious fall of Mr. Giuliani was evidence that Americans have gotten over it. You can't wave the bloody shirt anymore and expect people to fall into line.

And that's a problem for John McCain. A great candidate for hustling neocons and owners of five or more homes, he is dead wrong about Iraq, dead wrong about the economy, and he was born 20 years too soon. But Republicans feel sorry for how he was savaged eight years ago and so they will prop the old man up, retrain him as best they can, keep him on message, stuff a rag in him when he starts kidding around.

People have lots of questions about Barack Obama and that's as it should be. The man inspires curiosity. The problem for McCain is that Barack explains himself so well. Those people jamming basketball arenas aren't going there to look at his shoes. If you listen to the man speak, you're likely to vote for him. If you listen to McCain, you're reminded of your great-uncle Elmer hashing over the injustice of MacArthur getting canned by Harry Truman. Who cares?

And then there is the Current Occupant. He's kept quiet for a while, cutting brush, playing speed golf, treadmilling, but he's bound to emerge in the fall, make a speech, issue a statement, do something, and this will not be good for McCain.

America has paid a terrible price for one family's decision to take a boy out of the public schools of Midland, Texas, and send him off to Chutney or Amway or whatever his prep school was called, and then to Yale, where he picked up a permanent grudge against people who were smarter than he. A Yalie who learned to pass for redneck, a Methodist who learned to pass for evangelical, he was cut out for politics, but what a lousy administrator and what a dull, uninspiring leader. Fewer people want more bushiness than want to see the return of infantile paralysis. And the truth is marching on.

[Garrison Keillor is an author, storyteller, humorist, and creator of the weekly radio show "A Prairie Home Companion." The show began in 1974 as a live variety show on Minnesota Public Radio. In the 1980s "A Prairie Home Companion" became a pop culture phenomenon, with millions of Americans listening to Keillor's folksy tales of life in the fictional Midwestern town of Lake Wobegon, where (in Keillor's words) "the women are strong, the men are good looking, and all of the children are above average." Keillor ended the show in 1987, and 1989 began a similar new radio show titled American Radio Company of the Air. In 1993 he returned the show to its original name. Keillor also created the syndicated daily radio feature "A Writer's Almanac" in 1993. He has written for The New Yorker and is the author of several books, including Happy to Be Here (1990), Leaving Home (1992), Lake Wobegon Days (1995), and Good Poems for Hard Times (2005). His radio show inspired a 2006 movie, "A Prairie Home Companion," written by and starring Keillor and directed by Robert Altman.

Keillor graduated from the University of Minneosta in 1966... His signature sign-off on "The Writer's Almanac" is "Be well, do good work, and keep in touch."]

Copyright © 2008 Salon Media Group, Inc.


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The (Meth) Gang That Couldn't Drive (Let Alone Shoot) Straight — Keep Down, Hopester!

It's comforting to know that The Dubster's minions in the FBI (and the Department of Justice) and the Secret Service are charged with protection of The Hopester. Not! A trio of losers in Aurora, Colorado (a suburb outside Denver's easternmost boundary) were making threats against "That nigger who wants to be president." and the Feds didn't throw the book at the clowns. Just harmless young men who are methamphetamine addicts who happen to have rifles, ammo, and hatred in their hearts. Just think, these fools (or someone like them) can join the ranks of Richard Lawrence (Jackson) John W. Booth (Lincoln), Charles J. Guiteau (Garfield), Leon F. Czolgosz [pronounced Chall-gosh] (McKinley), John Schrank (TR), Giuseppe Zangara (FDR), Griselio Torresola & Oscar Collazo (HST), Lee Harvey Oswald (JFK), Arthur Bremer (Wallace), James E. Ray (MLK), Sirhan Sirhan (RFK), Samuel Byck (Nixon), Lynette Fromme (Ford), Sara J. Moore (Ford), Raymond L. Harvey (Carter), John Hinckley (Reagan), Frank E. Corder (Clinton), Francisco M. Duran (Clinton), and Robert Pickett (Bush 43) and Vladimir Arutyunian (Bush 43). The preceding list of successful and unsuccessful assassins provides context for 2008. The Hopester is not safe; H. Rap Brown said it best: "Violence is as American as cherry pie." If this is (fair & balanced) fear and loathing, so be it.

[x Salon]
When Is A Plot Not A Plot?
By Mike Madden

Undated photos of Shawn Robert Adolf, left,
Tharin Gartrell and Nathan Johnson,
released by the Denver Police Department

Late Saturday night, the cops in Aurora, Colo., stopped a blue Dodge truck that was swerving all over the road. The driver, a 28-year-old "trance" D.J. named Tharin Gartrell, had a suspended license, a criminal record and four grams of methamphetamine in his pocket. In his trunk, he had two rifles (one stolen), a few boxes of ammo, a bulletproof vest and a portable meth lab. By the next day, based on what Gartrell told them, the cops had called in the feds, and authorities had arrested his cousin, a convicted burglar named Shawn Adolf, and a friend, Nathan Johnson, and turned up more drugs. And in Adolf's case, a background check turned up some outstanding warrants, one with a $1 million bail set. Which might explain why Adolf jumped out the window of his hotel room in Glendale, Colo., when the Secret Service showed up to arrest him on Sunday. From the sixth floor.

That might have been the end of the episode, and it might just have been unusually dramatic fodder for the local paper's crime blotter, except it turned out Gartrell, Johnson and Adolf had a problem with Barack Obama. Namely, they objected to the Democratic presidential nominee's being black, though court documents say they expressed that fact in less delicate terms. And a woman who'd been hanging out in their hotel to "chill and do drugs," according to court papers, told federal agents the three had gathered on the outskirts of Denver in order to try to do something about it. Specifically, to shoot him with the rifles and ammo they'd brought along.

Nathan Johnson confirmed the plot in an interview with a local Denver television reporter from inside the Denver jail. "So your friends were saying threatening things about Obama?" the reporter asked. 



"Yeah," Nathan Johnson replied. 



"It sounded like they didn't want him to be president?" continued the reporter.



"Well, no," Johnson said.

"He don't belong in political office. Blacks don't belong in political office. He ought to be shot."

By Tuesday, officials had decided the three men didn't have the capacity to act on their racist impulses, no matter how heavily armed they were. But the whole episode was a strange, and alarming, reminder of why Obama has had Secret Service protection since the spring of 2007 — there are a lot of people out there who hate the idea of a black president, and are crazy enough to say they'll do something about it. The arrests raised the frightening specter of yet another of America's charismatic young leaders being gunned down by a lunatic. Obama aides declined to comment, citing a strict policy of not discussing security.

The arrests seemed more threatening when they first became public. Serious brass was pulled in; Attorney General Michael Mukasey was briefed. But Tuesday, after an investigation involving three different federal agencies, Colorado's U.S. attorney, Troy Eid, announced that authorities had decided Adolf, Johnson and Gartrell were basically not as dangerous as they looked. The feds didn't plan to charge any of the three men with threatening a presidential candidate, a federal felony that comes with a possible five-year prison term. Instead, Eid charged Adolf (who is variously referred to as Adolph and Adolf in federal documents) and Johnson with violating federal bans on felons owning weapons, and Gartrell with drug possession. (Admittedly, the fact that the three thought Obama was staying in the exurban hotel in which they had rented a room made it seem like they hadn't planned very carefully.)

So the case, instead, became basically an object of curiosity for a press corps hungry for unscripted news. One helpful offshoot from the brief saga: It helped show exactly what it takes to get charged with an assassination plot. Evidently, you need to have some degree of competence and/or sobriety. "The reported threats, hateful and bigoted though they were, involved a group of 'meth heads,' methamphetamine users, all of whom were impaired at the time, and cannot be independently corroborated," Eid told reporters. "The law recognizes a difference between a 'true' threat — one that might actually be carried out — and the reported racist rantings of illegal drug users." That was, apparently, what differentiated the case from earlier ones, including an incident where Eid charged a Colorado prisoner with sending an anthrax hoax to John McCain's office near Denver, and a Florida case where a would-be bail bondsman threatened to shoot Obama.

The security in and around Denver this week is extraordinary, as is the security whenever Obama (or McCain) goes anywhere. Both men are basically guarded as if they were already president. (Joe Biden surely learned a quick lesson in the stakes of what he's getting himself into as Obama's running mate when the Secret Service dispatched agents to his house late Friday night, before news of his selection was even officially confirmed.) It took the arrests, and the mini-frenzy of breaking news alerts they set off earlier this week, to remind convention-goers that the metal detectors and searches were more than just a nuisance. Sadly, it seems, they're still a necessity.


[Mike Madden is Salon's Washington correspondent. Madden attended the University of Pennsylvania and graduated in 1998. He is currently working as a Washington Correspondent at Salon Media Group. He has worked with The Arizona Republic as a Washington bureau, Gannett as a Correspondent, and The Philadelphia Inquirer as a Suburban Staff Writer.]

Copyright © 2008 Salon Media Group, Inc.


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It's Not The Color Of His Skin, Stupid! It's The Content Of His Character!

Through the magic of YouTube, this blog becomes a vlog with The Hopester's Keynote Speech to the Donkeys in 2004; the technology required the division of the speech into two video clips. However at the end of the day, a spellbinding speech in 2004 does not guarantee a spellbinding speech in 2008. This is the moment for The Hopester to close the deal. This is the moment for The Hopester to step up and hit one out of Mile High Stadium (or whatever the Hell its corporate owners of "naming rights" call it). Much will be made of the 45th anniversay of Martin Luther King, Jr.'s "I Have A Dream" speech during the March On Washington in 1963. However, another lightly-regarded Senator — John F. Kennedy (D-MA) — began his presidential campaign by electrifying the Donkey convention in 1956 with a failed attempt to land the VP nomination. JFK's campaign was born in that convention-moment. The Hopester's campaign was born in his convention-moment in 2004. Unfortunately, linking The Hopester to both Dr. King and JFK raises the spectre of assassination. The evil that lurks in the hearts of men is as present in 2008 as it was in 1963 (JFK) or 1968 (King and RFK). If this is (fair & balanced) apprehension, so be it.

[x YouTube/Lakeman Channel]
Obama 2004 DNC Keynote Speech - I



[x YouTube/Lakeman Channel]
Obama 2004 DNC Keynote Speech - II


[x Slate]
Show Us You Care, Barack: What Obama '08 Can Learn From Obama '04.
By John Dickerson

In 2000, Barack Obama couldn't even get a floor pass to the Democratic National Convention. Tomorrow he'll be speaking before Greek columns to a crowd of 75,000 people as the party's nominee.

In the exact middle of that trajectory was The Speech: Obama's keynote address to the 2004 convention. We all like to say that conventions are meaningless, and Obama himself once called them nothing more than infomercials to reward wealthy contributors. Nevertheless, it was at the convention in 2004 that Barack Obama became a star. (Watch the instant analysis at the time and the speech itself, where the cutaway shots show people listening gape-mouthed.)

Watching the speech for the millionth time in my Denver hotel room the other night, I was immediately struck by Obama's passion. He can be cerebral and aloof sometimes. (He's trying to fix that.) But in 2004, he didn't have that problem. He was amped up but not jumpy. He was making an argument, one that animated him, and he all but demanded your attention. If it wandered, he almost seemed to snap his fingers and say, "Listen up."

Obama's message was resonant because his enthusiasm was infectious. Now he faces a different task. He's lost the element of surprise—everybody knows he can give a good speech. Now he has to apply that same enthusiasm to explaining the stakes in this election. In 2004, he talked about what people sensed in their bones. He needs to do that again, but he also needs to show voters what he senses in his bones.

In 2004, Obama set out to prove pundits and Republicans wrong. "We worship an awesome God in the blue states," he said, "and yes, we have gay friends in the red states." You could imagine him using the same construction Thursday to fight the celebrity rap against him. McCain appears to have had some success by characterizing Obama as an empty suit who can draw big crowds but offers no real solutions. Some 75,000 screaming people will provide images that fulfill the McCain caricature. Obama has a chance to turn that on its head. Republicans say you're here because I'm a celebrity, he might say, but you're really here because you believe everyone should have the right to see a doctor and go to college.

Obama says that one of his tasks for the convention is to help people understand who he is and where he came from. That's his challenge because voters—some innocently, some not so innocently—wonder whether he shares their values. It is the weakness Hillary Clinton's strategist Mark Penn tried to exploit, explaining in one of his strategy memos that voters would find that Obama was "not at his center fundamentally American in his thinking and his values." What's striking about the political distance Obama has traveled since 2004 is that the idea that he was emblematic of the American dream was not something he had to prove four years ago. It was self-evident. It was one of the reasons he was speaking in the first place.

In 2004, Obama talked about the collective American dream of which he was a part. That balance has gotten out of whack. He's been tagged, with justification, for having too much self-regard. How much of the campaign is about him and not us? Obama will work hard Thursday to sublimate himself to the larger collective goals of all Americans.

There's one potential impediment to this plan. Obama is going to be standing in front of a row of Greek columns. This, tragically, is something of a convention trope. Bush spoke in front of columns in 2004 (and atop a presidential seal), and it looked ridiculous. It seems like an overly theatrical idea for Obama. With McCain trying to paint him as a self-styled god, the image of him standing where Zeus might will only play into this critique. Also, on aesthetic grounds, the no-drama candidate should not imperil that brand by looking like the suburban-dinner-theater candidate.

The columns and frieze echo the façade of the Lincoln Memorial, where, exactly 45 years ago, Martin Luther King Jr. delivered his famous speech. This might be a subtle nod to the plain fact that Barack Obama's candidacy is the fulfillment of part of King's dream. Still, it's too much. The Obama campaign doesn't need more theatricality.

An Obama aide wrote to set me straight: "We wanted something that was simple and sober, and that's exactly how it will appear. He will be surrounded by everyday people in keeping with the opening up of our Convention."

Maybe that will work. But eight years ago, at the Democratic Convention in Los Angeles, Barack Obama was denied not only a credential but also a rental car (his credit card was rejected). Now he's not only accepting the party's nomination, he's practically arriving on a chariot. (He won't, of course, but the neoclassical theme could evoke such images.) His progress is a testament to the American dream, but the symbolism could turn into a political nightmare.

[John Dickerson is Slate's chief political correspondent. Dickerson holds a degree in English with distinction from the University of Virginia. His 2008 book, On Her Trail, describes his relationship with his late mother, Nancy Dickerson Whitehead, a pioneering television newswoman.]

Copyright © 2008 Washington Post.Newsweek Interactive Co.


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