Saturday, July 19, 2008

Raise High The Pie, Dumbos

A barefoot boy with cheek from Colorado, transplanted to Texas, John Young sees E.T. as the departing Prophet of Reagonomics. Described as "voodoo economics" by Poppy Bush, Dutch's bat guano economic theories represent the Gospel of the Right Wing. As the batshit Righties cross themselves at the mention of Saint Dutch and deregulation, the pain index — not the pie — goes higher and we are in our summer of discontent. Thank you, John Young, for explaining why we're whining. The Dumbos can't make the pie high enough. Perhaps The Dubster meant make the pile (of bat guano) higher. Because The Dubster speaks as if he had a mouthful of bat guano, perhaps he was saying pile, not pie. If this is a (fair & balanced) eulogy for E.T. (and Reaganomics), so be it.

[x Waco Fishwrap]
Gramm Said What He Meant
By John Young

I never thought I’d have to come to this, defending Phil Gramm on anything.

Phil could fend for himself — always in a position of power, always on the public payroll. And if he wasn’t, wife Wendy was, while he decried all the people on the public payroll.

But now I come to Phil’s defense for saying — what? — exactly what the leader of his party has been saying for months?

He — George W. Bush — has been saying all is well. Gramm, John McCain’s go-to guy on the economy, put it more indelicately. He said the economic hard times are “mental” and “we’ve become a nation of whiners.”

OK, that goes beyond indelicate. That’s about as diplomatic as castrating cattle.

Phil apologized. Said he didn’t mean it. McCain said “Phil Gramm doesn’t speak for me.” Aw, come on, boys. Gramm said what he meant and meant what he said.

After all, it’s basically one of the foundations of conservative fiscal philosophy: You can’t help it that some people don’t benefit from laissez faire capitalism, globalism and deregulation. The rising tide lifts all boats. Of course, some will be treading water and clinging to debris. More each day. They should get a boat. And all that requires is a credit card.

As W. famously said, we must “make the pie higher.”

Stop whining. Go shopping. Consumerism is virtue. Credit is no vice.

Bigger is better, no questions asked, when it comes to business. Multinational always trumps national. And not just in Scrabble.

I come to Phil’s defense — all he’s saying is what made Ronald Reagan an icon. But I must admit this is a bad time for him to be saying anything.

After all, he was one of the great voices on behalf of banking deregulation.

The subprime mortgage crisis and the nosedive of housing is directly related to letting lenders do their own thing.

Meanwhile soaring energy prices reflect a lost opportunity for a president to model the axiom that market forces matter.

If Americans consume less gasoline, coal and natural gas, prices will moderate.

Instead it’s been consume, consume, consume and, of course, drill. That, too, is about growing that pie higher.

The whole idea behind trickle-down economics — tax cuts for those who don’t need it — is for the wealthy to consume, or “invest,” as they say. In the process those stationed below the banquet table will get some of the drippings.

That’s not happened in an age of concentration of wealth and where jobs go global. For sure, it’s happened for Gramm’s constituency, the already wealthy.

And let’s face it: Recession is a distant concern for those whose jobs are not on the line.

Inflation driven by oil prices, driven by insatiable consumption, is a distant concern for those who can afford rising prices. After all, if a man can afford that Escalade, he can afford to fill it up.

Ever since the days of Reagan we’ve been led to believe that consumption was next to godliness, and that the size — or height? — of the pie was all that mattered. We were led to believe that deregulation would get us to greater prosperity and better services.

For a few, that was true. For the rest, well, any discomfort is mostly mental. Right, Phil?

[John Young has been editorial page editor and columnist of the Waco Tribune-Herald since 1984. A Denver native, Young was editor of the Valley Courier, a small daily in Alamosa, CO, from 1978 to 1984. His column is carried regularly on the Cox News Service and New York Times News Service. Young’s column appears Thursday and Sunday in the Waco Tribune-Herald.]

Copyright© 2008 Waco Tribune-Herald


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Goodman's Half-Dozen Tough Questions

The times are a'changin' and it's summertime, when the livin' is uneasy. The Geezer is going to get a crash course in economics and finance. The Hopester is going to inherit a campaign issue: "It's the economy, stupid." The good times have rolled to a lumbering halt. If this is (fair & balanced) dismal science, so be it.

[x NY Fishwrap]
Uncomfortable Answers To Questions On The Economy
By Peter S. Goodman

You have heard that Fannie and Freddie, their gentle names notwithstanding, may cripple the financial system without a large infusion of taxpayer money. You have gleaned that jobs are disappearing, housing prices are plummeting, and paychecks are effectively shrinking as food and energy prices soar. You have noted the disturbing talk of crisis hovering over Wall Street.

Something has clearly gone wrong with the economy. But how bad are things, really? And how bad might they get before better days return? Even to many economists who recently thought the gloom was overblown, the situation looks grim. The economy is in the midst of a very rough patch. The worst is probably still ahead.

Job losses will probably accelerate through this year and into 2009, and the job market will probably stay weak even longer. Home prices will probably keep falling, shrinking household wealth and eroding spending power.

“The open question is whether we’re in for a bad couple of years, or a bad decade,” said Kenneth S. Rogoff, a former chief economist at the International Monetary Fund, now a professor at Harvard.

Is this a recession?

Officially, no. The economy is not in recession until a panel at a private institution called the National Bureau of Economic Research says so. Unofficially, many economists think a recession started six or seven months ago, even as the economy has continued to expand — albeit at a tepid pace.

Many assume that if the economy expands at all, then it isn’t a recession, but that’s not true. The bureau defines a recession as “a significant decline in economic activity spread across the economy, lasting more than a few months.” If enough people lose their jobs, factories stop making things, stores stop selling things, and less money lands in people’s pockets, it is probably a recession.

Whatever it is called, it is a painful time for tens of millions of people. Indeed, this may turn out to be the most wrenching downturn since the two recessions in the early 1980s; almost surely worse than the recession that ended the technology bubble at the beginning of this decade; perhaps worse than the downturn of the early 1990s that followed the last dip in real estate prices.

But, despite what some doomsayers now proclaim, this is not the Great Depression, when unemployment spiked to 25 percent and millions of previously working people woke up in shantytowns. Not by any measure, even as your neighbors make cryptic remarks above dusting off lessons passed down from grandparents about how to turn a can of beans into a family meal.

How bad is housing?

Bad in many markets, awful in some, and still O.K. in a few.

The downturn has its roots in the real estate frenzy that turned lonely Nevada ranches into suburban ranch homes and swampland in Florida into condominiums. Speculators drove home prices beyond any historical connection to incomes. Gravity did the rest. After roughly doubling in value from 2000 to 2005, home prices have fallen about 17 percent — and more like 25 percent in inflation-adjusted terms — according to the widely watched Case-Shiller index.

Even so, most economists think house prices must fall an additional 10 to 15 percent to get back to reality. One useful measure is the relationship between the costs of buying and renting a home. From 1985 to 2002, the average American home sold for about 14 times the annual rent for a similar home, according to Moody’s Economy.com. By early 2006, home prices ballooned to 25 times rental prices. Since then, the ratio has dipped back to about 20 — still far above the historical norm.

With mortgages now hard to obtain and speculation no longer attractive, arithmetic has replaced momentum as the guiding force for housing prices. The fundamental equation points down: Even as construction grinds down, there are still many more houses on the market than there are people to buy them, and more on the way as more homeowners slip into foreclosure.

By the reckoning of Economy.com, enough houses are on the market to satisfy demand for the next two-and-a-half years without building a single new one.

The time it takes to sell a newly completed house has expanded from an average of four months in 2005 to about nine months, according to analysis by Dean Baker, co-director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research.

And many sales are falling through — more than 30 percent in some parts of California and Florida — as buyers fail to secure financing, exacerbating the glut of homes, Mr. Baker said.

No wonder that in Los Angeles, San Francisco, Phoenix and Las Vegas, house prices have in recent months declined at annual rates of more than 33 percent.

When will banks revive?

So far, they have written off more than $300 billion in loans. Many experts now predict the toll will rise to $1 trillion or more — a staggering sum that could cripple many institutions for years.

Back when home prices were multiplying, banks poured oceans of borrowed money into real estate loans. Unlike the dot-com companies at the heart of the last speculative investment bubble, the new gold rush was centered on something that seemed unimpeachably solid — the American home.

But the whole thing worked only as long as housing prices rose. Falling prices landed like a bomb. Homeowners fell behind on their loans and could not qualify for new ones: There was no value left in their house to borrow against. As millions of people defaulted, the banks confronted enormous losses in a bloody period of reckoning.

In March, the Federal Reserve helped engineer a deal for JPMorgan Chase to buy troubled investment bank Bear Stearns. Many assumed the worst was over. But, this month, the open distress of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac — two huge, government sponsored institutions that together own or guarantee nearly half of the nation’s $12 trillion in outstanding mortgages — sent a signal that more ugly surprises may lie in wait.

To calm markets, the government last weekend hurriedly put together a rescue package for Fannie and Freddie that, if used, could cost as much as $300 billion. The urgent need for a rescue — together with another round of billion-dollar write-offs on Wall Street — has unnerved economists and investors.

“I was a relative optimist, but I’ve certainly become more pessimistic,” said Alan S. Blinder, an economist at Princeton, and a former vice chairman of the board of governors at the Federal Reserve. “The financial system looks substantially worse now than it did a month ago. If the Freddie and Fannie bailout were to fail, it could get a hell of a lot worse. If we get more bank failures, we have the possibility of seeing more of these pictures of people standing in line to pull their money out. That could really scare consumers.”

In one respect, Mr. Blinder added, this is like the Great Depression. “We haven’t seen this kind of travail in the financial markets since the 1930s,” he said.

More than two years ago, Nouriel Roubini, an economist at the Stern School of Business at New York University, said that the housing bubble would give way to a financial crisis and a recession. He was widely dismissed as an attention-seeking Chicken Little. Now, Mr. Roubini says the worst is yet to come, because the account-squaring has so far been confined mostly to bad mortgages, leaving other areas remaining — credit cards, auto loans, corporate and municipal debt.

Mr. Roubini says the cost of the financial system’s losses could reach $2 trillion. Even if it’s closer to $1 trillion, he adds, “we’re not even a third of the way there.”

Where will the banks raise the huge sums needed to replenish the capital they have apparently lost? And what will happen if they cannot?

The answers to these questions are unknown, an unsettling void that holds much of the economy at a standstill.

“We’re in a dangerous spot,” said Andrew Tilton, an economist at Goldman Sachs. “The big threat is more capital losses.”

Banks are a crucial piece of the economy’s arterial system, steering capital where it is needed to fuel spending and power growth. Now, they are holding tight to their dollars, starving businesses of loans they might use to expand, and depriving families of money they might use to buy houses and fill them with furniture and appliances.

From last June to this June, commercial bank lending declined more than 9 percent, according to an analysis of Federal Reserve data by Goldman Sachs.

“You have another wave of anxiety, another tightening of credit,” said Robert Barbera, chief economist at the research and trading firm ITG. “The idea that we’ll have a second half of the year recovery has gone by the boards.”

Is my job safe?

Economic slowdowns always mean job losses. Unemployment already has risen, and almost certainly will increase more.

The first signs of distress emerged in housing. Construction companies, real estate agencies, mortgage brokers and banks began laying people off. Next, jobs started being cut at factories making products linked to housing, from carpets and furniture to lighting and flooring.

But as the real estate bust spilled over into the broader economy, depleting household wealth, the impacts rippled out to retailers, beauty parlors, law offices and trucking companies, inflicting cutbacks throughout the economy, save for health care, farming and energy. Over the last six months, the economy has shed 485,000 private sector jobs, according to the Labor Department. Many people have seen hours reduced.

The unemployment rate still remains low by historical standards, at 5.5 percent. And so far, the job losses — about 65,000 a month this year — do not approach the magnitude of those seen in past downturns, particularly the twin recessions at the beginning of the 1980s, when the economy shed upward of 140,000 jobs a month and the unemployment rate exceeded 10 percent.

But Goldman Sachs assumes unemployment will reach 6.5 percent by the end of 2009, which translates into several hundred thousand more Americans out of work.

These losses are landing on top of what was, for most Americans, a remarkably weak period of expansion. From 1992 to 2000 — as the technology boom catalyzed spending and hiring — the economy added more than 22 million private sector jobs. Over the last eight years, only 5 million new jobs have been added.

The loss of work is hitting Americans along with an assortment of troubles — gasoline prices in excess of $4 a gallon, over all inflation of about 5 percent, and declining wages.

“In every dimension, people are worse off than they were,” said Mr. Roubini, the New York University economist.

Are consumers done?

That is a major worry.

The fate of the economy now rests on the shoulders of the American consumer, whose spending amounts to 70 percent of all economic activity.

When people go to the mall and buy televisions and eat out, their money circulates through the economy. When they tighten their belts, austerity ripples out and chokes growth.

Through the years of the housing boom, many Americans came to treat their homes like automated teller machines that never required a deposit. They harvested cash through sales, second mortgages and home equity lines of credit — an artery of finance that reached $840 billion a year from 2004 to 2006, according to work by the economists James Kennedy and Alan Greenspan, the former Federal Reserve chairman. That allowed Americans to live far in excess of what they brought home from work.

But by the first three months of this year, that flow had constricted to an annual rate of about $200 billion.

Average household debt has swelled to 120 percent of annual income, up from 60 percent in 1984, according to the Federal Reserve.

And now the banks are turning off the credit taps.

“Credit is going to remain tight for a time potentially measured in years,” said Mr. Tilton, the Goldman Sachs economist.

This is the landscape that has so many economists convinced that consumer spending must dip, putting the squeeze on the economy for several years.

“The question is, will it get as bad as the 1970s?” asked Mr. Rogoff, recalling an era of spiking gas prices and double-digit inflation.

Long term, Americans may have no choice but to spend less, save more and reduce debts — in short, to live within their means.

“We’re getting a lot of the adjustment and it hurts,” said Kristin Forbes, a former member of the Council of Economic Advisers under President George W. Bush, and now a scholar at M.I.T.’s Sloan School of Management. “But it’s an adjustment we’re going to have to make.”

Who’s to blame?

There is plenty to go around.

In the estimation of many economists, it starts with the Federal Reserve. The central bank lowered interest rates following the calamitous end of the technology bubble in 2000, lowered them more after the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, and then kept them low, even as speculators began to trade homes like dot-com stocks.

Meanwhile, the Fed sat back and watched as Wall Street’s financial wizards engineered diabolically complicated investments linked to mortgages, generating huge amounts of speculative capital that turned real estate into a conflagration.

“At the end of this movie, it’s clear that the Fed will have to care about excesses,” Mr. Barbera said.

Prices multiplied as many homeowners took on more property than they could afford, lured by low introductory interest rates that eventually reset higher, sending many people into foreclosure.

Mortgage brokers netted commissions as they lent almost indiscriminately, offering exotically lenient terms — no money down, no income or job required. Wall Street banks earned billions selling risky mortgage-linked securities around the world, aided by ratings agencies that branded them solid.

Through it all, a lot of ordinary Americans borrowed a lot more money then they could afford to pay back, running up enormous credit card bills and borrowing against the value of their homes. Now comes the day of reckoning.

[Peter S. Goodman graduated from Reed College in 1989 and later gained an M.A. in Asian Studies at the University of California, Berkeley. He began his journalism career as a freelance writer in Southeast Asia, and then as a metro reporter at The Anchorage Daily News in Alaska. Goodman has been a national economic writer for the Times' business section since October 2007. Previously, he was the Shanghai-based Asian economic correspondent for The Washington Post, where he spent a decade.]

Copyright © 2008 The New York Times Company


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What's That Whining Sound Coming From Under "The Straight Talk Express"?

The Geezer made E.T. walk the plank and he's gone, thank God, he's gone. Nothing is too good for the man who gave us Enron, the Government Pension Offset (that rips off ⅔ of my Social Security monthly check), and the deregulation of mortgage lenders. May E.T.'s heartlight actually be acid reflux to the end of his miserable days. Goodbye E.T., don't let the door hit you in the ass on the way out. If this is (fair & balanced) political bitterness, so be it.

E.T. Phil Gramm

[x NY Fishwrap]
McCain Co-Chairman, Under Fire, Steps Aside
By Larry Rohter

Former Senator Phil Gramm resigned late Friday as a co-chairman of Senator John McCain’s presidential campaign, capping a day filled with controversy for Mr. McCain, the presumed Republican nominee.

“It is clear to me that Democrats want to attack me rather than debate Senator McCain on important economic issues facing the country,” Mr. Gramm said in a statement issued by the campaign. “That kind of distraction hurts not only Senator McCain’s ability to present concrete programs to deal with the country’s problems, it hurts the country.”

Mr. Gramm, a multimillionaire banker, has been under fire since last week, when he dismissed concerns about the troubled economy by referring to “a mental recession.” He also said the United States had become “a nation of whiners,” a remark providing fodder for Democrats to portray Republicans as out of touch with the concerns of ordinary Americans.

Since the start of his campaign, but particularly since the onset of the most recent economic turmoil, Mr. McCain has been struggling to convince voters of his ability to manage the economy, an area he has acknowledged in the past as a weakness. Mr. Gramm, in addition to being a close friend, helped design his economic program and, until last week’s gaffe, was being mentioned as a possible treasury secretary in a McCain administration.

Democrats quickly criticized Mr. Gramm’s blaming them Friday for his resignation. “The question for John McCain isn’t whether Phil Gramm will continue as chairman of his campaign, but whether he will continue to keep the economic plan that Gramm authored and that represents a continuation of the polices that have failed American families for the last eight years,” said Hari Sevugan, a spokesman for the campaign of Senator Barack Obama.

The Gramm resignation followed a series of sharp exchanges between the two parties about Mr. Obama’s long-anticipated trip abroad, including expected stops in Iraq and Afghanistan. In remarks in Michigan and in an advertisement made public Friday, Mr. McCain accused Mr. Obama of neglecting his responsibilities and suggested that he was undermining the war effort.

When initially asked Thursday about Mr. Obama’s trip, Mr. McCain described it as long overdue but also welcome. But he began almost immediately to step up his criticism, a process that continued Friday, when he took part in a town-hall-style meeting at the General Motors Technical Center in suburban Detroit.

The session was intended to be about energy independence and an electric-powered car that General Motors is developing. But when Mr. McCain’s positions on the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the possibility of conflict with Iran, were questioned, he responded by attacking Mr. Obama and seeking to justify his support for the Iraq war, which Mr. Obama says was unnecessary and fought on false pretenses.

“Every intelligence agency in the world believed Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction,” Mr. McCain replied, adding that the Hussein government had also violated human rights. He then quickly shifted to the need to persevere, saying he expected attacks by Al Qaeda in Iraq “so they can erode support for the al-Maliki government” during the American election campaign.

“We will come home with honor and victory, and it will be dictated by facts on the ground,” he continued. “We have succeeded, and I am confident we will win victory, and that is all contingent on our commitment to making sure we withdraw according to conditions on the ground.”

In a speech at a fund-raising luncheon in Detroit, Mr. McCain also implicitly criticized Mr. Obama in suggesting that his trip to Iraq — the schedule for which remains undisclosed, partly for security reasons — might be at hand.

“I am sure,” Mr. McCain added, “that Senator Obama is going to arrive in Baghdad in a much, much safer and secure environment than the one that he would have encountered before we started the surge.”

The McCain campaign also infuriated the Obama camp with the new advertisement, which accused Mr. Obama of “voting against funding our troops” and said he was abandoning his original positions on the war “to help himself become president.”

Bill Burton, a spokesman for Mr. Obama, described the ad as “patently misleading,” and campaign officials issued a phrase-by-phrase rebuttal.

Those salvos were preceded by an interview, published Friday in The Kansas City Star, in which Mr. McCain suggested that Mr. Obama might be a socialist. At a campaign event in Kansas City on Thursday, Mr. McCain accused Mr. Obama of having the “most extreme” voting record in the Senate. When The Star asked about the comment, he said Mr. Obama had taken positions “more to the left than the announced socialist in the U.S. Senate, Bernie Sanders of Vermont.”

The reporter then asked Mr. McCain if he thought Mr. Obama himself was a socialist. “I don’t know,” Mr. McCain answered. “All I know is his voting record, and that’s what people usually judge their elected representatives by.”

[Lawrence (Larry) Rohter (pronounced roy-ter) is a 1971 graduate of the Georgetown University School of Foreign Service. He studied politics and modern Chinese history at the Columbia University School of International and Public Affairs and East Asian Institute. Rohter covered Latin America for more than 25 years, serving as Mexico City bureau chief for the Times as well as Newsweek's Brazil correspondent and Latin America bureau chief. Rohter currently reports on national politics for The Times.]

Copyright © 2008 The New York Times Company


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